Mediterraneum@Mediterraneum@(BE)@freigabe

Introduction

Just where Europe ends in the south is unclear. In the 21st century, the EU "protects" its border not only in the  Mediterranean and the Balkans, but also south of the Sahara to prevent the immigration of people from Africa and Asia. At the same time, since the 18th century the Occident has been repeatedly located north of the Pyrenees, Alps, or the Balkans in order to exclude Southern Europe. The most recent example is the debate about the so-called PIGS states in the context of the financial crisis of 2008.¹ This shifting of the European southern border is consequently by no means new. Rather, religions and cultures, empires and populations in the Mediterranean have repeatedly shifted in different directions since ancient times. Since sea transport was faster than land transport, the Mediterranean served as a bridge for trade, conquest and settlement – first in the context of the Phoenician and Greek colonizations, then above all in the imperial period of the Imperium Romanum, which claimed the Mediterranean as mare nostrum. Even after the end of the Pax Romana, the Mediterraneum remained a space of condensed communication in which people, objects, and ideas circulated, even during the Germanic migration, the Arab-Muslim expansion, or the Christian crusades. Long before the modern era, the Mediterranean enabled transcontinental relations, transfers, and interactions.²

The Mediterraneum is therefore regarded as a paradigm of a maritime interaction space from which global-historical ocean studies is currently struggling to emancipate itself.³  Furthermore, the region can be understood as a laboratory of later modern globalization, in which "European" and "non-European" elements already collided before 1492 and mixed.⁴ A well-known outcome of these cultural transfers was the Mediterranean flora: Apart from wheat, olive trees, and wine, the flora, now considered typically "Mediterranean," is the result of cultural transfers from other world regions. The cypress came from Persia, the eggplant from India. The citrus fruits from the Far East were brought here by Arabs. Agaves, peppers, and tomatoes reached the Mediterranean Sea from the so-called "New World" in the course of the Columbian Exchange.⁵ The World Cultural Heritage Site of the Mediterranean Diet, which today is regarded by Western elites as the ideal of healthy eating and – according to UNESCO – should therefore remain as unaltered as possible, was itself a result of the appropriation of global imports.⁶

At the same time, and in contradiction to these diverse mixtures, cross-cultural encounters and conflicts in the modern Mediterranean area also produced powerful demarcations of Europe. These include the thesis of the Belgian historian Henri Pirenne (1862–1935), who interpreted the Arab-Muslim expansion as the destruction of Mediterranean unity and the birth of a "European Middle Ages,” or Eurocentric and postcolonial master narratives such as The West and the Rest and Orientalism. Despite conflicting strategic aims, these narratives unanimously understood the Occident and Islam/Orient as monolithic blocks and dichotomized them. At the same time, they ignored both the intensive relations and the heterogeneity and internal asymmetries of the respective regions.⁷ Europe's borders in the Mediterranean area have thus at once become more fluid and more fixed.

Spatial borders

Historically, Mediterranean studies are one of the oldest area studies. Knowledge about the sea, its coasts and islands has been collected since ancient times.⁸ Geographically, the Mediterraneum is now considered a spatial unity because "tectonics and relief development, soil formation and vegetation cover, the subtropical alternating humid climate and the Mediterranean as a marine ecosystem have created similar physical-geographical structures in all zones." Moreover, the region’s internal contrasts are emphasized: "The spatial contrasts in the Mediterranean region are more dominant than all existing uniform structures."⁹

The external borders are oceans and seas such as the Atlantic, the Red and the Black Seas, mountain ranges such as the Alps, the Dinarides and the Rhodopes, the Pontic Mountains, the Taurus and Lebanon, and the Atlas and the Rif. Deserts such as the Sahara and the Syrian Desert are not counted as part of the region, although the Libyan Desert borders the Mediterranean, which conflicts with overly narrow climatic or geological definitions. The most important inner geological boundary is the seismically highly active Strait of Sicily, where the African and Eurasian plates meet. It divides the Mediterranean into a western and an eastern basin – a distinction which, as we will see, also plays an important role in historical research. Due to its internal fragmentation, the Mediterraneum is considered a “sea complex,” narrowed by islands, divided by peninsulas, enclosed by rugged coasts.¹⁰ To the west, we distinguish the Alborán and Balearic Seas, the Gulf of Lion, the Ligurian and Tyrrhenian Seas; to the east, the Libyan, Adriatic and Ionian Seas, the Aegean and Levantine Seas, and the Sea of Marmara. The terrestrial parts of the region are also considered heterogeneous, partly because peninsulas, coasts, and islands offer different natural conditions, and partly because these areas have been exposed to various human influences in the past.¹¹

Despite the fragmentation of the region, the two most influential works on the history of the Mediterranean unanimously emphasize its unity, continuity, and uniqueness, ascribing to precisely this geography a constitutive role. In La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe II (1949/1966 ), which is considered the foundational document of historical Mediterranean research, Fernand Braudel (1902–1985) underscored the importance of the physical space for Mediterranean history. Primarily using the 16th century as an example, he carried out a revolutionary tripartite division of historical time into a geographical, social, and individual time. In his three-tiered model, nature on the one hand, economy and society, culture and politics on the other, have a strict hierarchy. The basis of all processes and structures, decisions and actions is the natural environment of the human being, whereas a reverse influence hardly seems possible. One leitmotif of the book is therefore the human struggle with nature. While sailing, for example, is made difficult or prevented by weather-related winter breaks, dangerous ocean currents, and unpredictable winds, the expansion of the "cultural frontier" on land devours immense resources and requires constant effort and care. The key concepts of this proposal for a histoire totale of the early modern Mediterranean are géohistoire and longue durée.¹²

No less ambitious is the approach of the medievalist Peregrine Horden (b. 1955) and the ancient historian Nicholas Purcell. Following Braudel, but extending far beyond his efforts from a temporal standpoint, they demonstrate the unity, continuity, and uniqueness of the region for the entire pre-modern period, from prehistory to early modern times. In The Corrupting Sea (2000), the Mediterranean region appears more fragmented: as a disjointed ensemble of micro-regions that developed ecological and socio-cultural niches and were dependent on adaptation and exchange in the face of many different unknowns. The explanatory model, which aims to establish the singularity of the Mediterranean world, rests on connectivity as a risk management tool to overcome fragmentation and ban the dangers of a "corrupting sea." Although the work has been heavily criticized, it has given new impetus to Mediterranean Studies and has had a decisive influence on new Mediterranean studies.¹³

Recent research is highly specialized and fragmented.¹⁴ While early modern studies sometimes focus on extensive (trans-)Mediterranean relations and dynamics, works on modernity usually focus on Mediterranean subregions (South Eastern Europe¹⁵, Maghreb, Middle East),¹⁶ empires, port cities¹⁷ or islands¹⁸ – or on the numerous nation-states that have existed since the 19th century in the region, first north, then south of the sea. Partial seas such as the Adriatic Sea and Levant have also already been investigated as "historical regions."¹⁹ Recently, more focus has also been placed on straits and canals.²⁰

Epochal thresholds

The epochal dimensions of the Mediterranean paradigm are disputed, however. The cited classics draw a sharp contrast between the early and the late modern era: In the transition between the two epochs, Braudel sees the Mediterranean shrinking "on a human scale" and the primacy of nature over man dwindling. In the 16th century, it was "much mightier" “than today.” It had yet to become "the ‘inland lake’ of the 20th century, home of tourists and yachts for whom the mainland is always within reach, a lake along whose shores the Orient Express passed by without even stopping yesterday.” New possibilities of manipulating the space were added to those of traversing it more quickly: Malaria-contaminated plains such as the Mitidja and Thessaloniki plains, the Pontine Marshes and the Ebro Delta were "permanently" developed in the 20th century. Brought "under the control of man", they became agriculturally exploitable.²¹ Braudel highlighted these modern examples of the taming of nature to emphasize the contrast with pre-modernity. However, as his geohistorical approach was understood as transcending epochs, it reinforced the impression of a static Mediterranean world.²² This was also due to Braudel's thesis of an economic "decline" of the Mediterranean, according to which the economic dynamics after the 16th century migrated, in a manner resembling Hegel’s (1770–1831)[]world spirit, to the Atlantic.²³

The contrast between pre-modernity and modernity is even sharper in Horden and Purcell. They assume that the Mediterranean unity and continuity since the 19th century (sometimes 1800 serves as a caesura, sometimes 1900) was destroyed, so that a coherent history of the region was no longer possible afterwards.²⁴ Following this, the “waning” or “vanishing” of the Mediterranean region has become a topos in English-speaking research, which makes pairs of terms such as Mediterranean modernity or modern Mediterranean appear as oxymorons.²⁵

One argument against this exclusion of modernity from Mediterranean history is that criteria such as unity, continuity, or singularity can hardly be regarded today as yardsticks for the historiographical identity of a region. This is not so much because they themselves are of imperial provenance, but rather because the pre-modern Mediterranean region was also characterized by diversity and discontinuity and showed similarities to other “Mediterraneans,” making it appear by no means unique, but comparable.²⁶ On the other hand, the connectivity of the region did not decrease one bit in the 19th century. Rather, the Mediterranean coasts, hinterlands, and islands have become more closely interwoven than ever before through new media of transport and communication. Steam navigation not only accelerated the crossing of the sea and made it precisely calculable; it also changed the way we perceive it. Thus on maps and in travel guides the Mediterranean shrank from ocean to sea.²⁷

In the age of the "Anthropocene,"²⁸ there were also epochal upheavals on land: The industrialization of agriculture and viticulture, the proletarianization and urbanization of the rural population, the mass recruitment and emigration of workers and soldiers,²⁹ the exodus of the islands³⁰ the emergence of mega cities,³¹ and the systematic development of the region through tourism³² changed the natural and cultural space so comprehensively that indeed the concept of continuity cannot be applied here.

The exclusion of the region from the master narratives of modernization theory, which the social sciences performed after the decolonization in the geopolitical context of the Cold War,³³ led to the fact that the Mediterranean region, despite these dynamics, is still today considered a passive object – or even a victim – of exogenous factors of modern change. What is often overlooked is that many of these projects were driven by Mediterranean actors themselves and that the region itself produced numerous innovations that had an impact far beyond it. This applies to the cultivation and processing of plant products, which – for example in the vineyards of the Languedoc-Roussillon or in the steam-driven Marseilles oil plant factories and Egyptian grain mills – were industrialized early on. It is equally true for tourism, which was known in the early modern period as the Grand Tour; it was invented the south of Europe and perfected after 1950 in the entire Mediterranean region. It also holds for politics and religion: The Corsican Constitution of 1755 was the first written constitution in the world and was celebrated by the European Enlightenment as a milestone of progress.³⁴ Constitutional liberalism celebrated its first successes on the Iberian Peninsula.³⁵ Egyptian, Greek, Italian, and Syrian radicals from Levantine port cities established global networks between Latin America and South Asia.³⁶ And while Ultramontanism focused global Catholicism more on the Pope and the Roman Curia and thus drove worldwide the centralization of the Church,³⁷ Pan-Islamism had already emerged in Cairo.³⁸ In the 20th century, not only were fascism and the mafia being globally imitated and imported phenomena, but so were specific forms of preparing pasta or coffee.³⁹ Thus, in the modern age, there was not only a global penetration of the Mediterranean area,⁴⁰ but there was also a partial Mediterraneanization of the world.

In light of this, it seems reasonable to not allow the history of the Mediterranean region to end with the pre-modern era. Instead, the modern age must also ask about interactions, convergences and divergences, transfers and interactions, as well as about relations to, similarities with and differences from other regions of the world.⁴¹ Rather than hard epochal boundaries, it is necessary to apply soft epochal thresholds – fluid transitional periods that can be dated differently depending on the subject in question.⁴²

The Ottoman Mediterranean Sea

Empires were a structural principle of the early modern Mediterranean region. Besides Spanish Habsburg,⁴³ the largest was the Ottoman Empire. In 1683, when it was at the zenith of its territorial expansion and had besieged Vienna for a second time, Ottoman rule stretched from the Rif to the Caspian Sea, and from today's Ukraine to the Gulf of Aden. The Ottoman expulsion of the Mamlukes from Syria and Egypt (1516/17) brought the banks of the Levant under an imperial regime for the first time in a thousand years. From then on, the Ottomans not only reigned over the Hejaz with its holy Islamic sites Medina and Mecca but also, after the conquest of Baghdad (1534), Aden (1538) and Basra (1549), they controlled the isthmus to the Red Sea and the caravan routes to the Persian Gulf, which were central to trade with India. They used these connections to establish extensive trade networks in Asia. In this respect, the partial redirection of European forces towards the Atlantic Ocean in the 16th century did not mark the end of Mediterranean history, but rather the activation of other transregional contacts.⁴⁴

The Ottoman expansion began in the 14th century with the annexation of the former Byzantine provinces. After the repulsion of the Mongolians, who under Timur Lenk (1336–1405) had advanced all the way to Anatolia, the Ottomans conquered the "second Rome" Constantinople in 1453. This event still marks the beginning of modern times in Turkish historiography.⁴⁵ By adopting the titles of the Byzantine emperors Mehmed II (1432–1481)[] signaled his intention to restore the Roman Empire. As a consequence, the Ottomans also set their sights on the West. In 1481, they conquered the Apulian Otranto, where they could only be pushed back by a broad alliance of Christian powers.⁴⁶ The Spanish Reconquista eventually drew them westward nevertheless: After Spain's Christian kingdoms had declared war on the Emirate of Granada in 1482, the Nazarites called on the Ottomans for help. Under the command of the former privateer Kemâl Reis (1440–1511), an Ottoman fleet intervened in Malaga and brought Muslim refugees to North Africa without preventing the fall of the last bastion of Al-Andalus (711–1492).⁴⁷

Andrew Hess has interpreted the year 1492 as a watershed in Mediterranean history. In view of three epochal events – the fall of Granada, the expulsion of the Jews from Spain decreed in the Alhambra Edict, and the discovery of America by Columbus (1451–1506) – a cleavage of the Mediterranean region took place over the long term. Christians and Muslims had turned away from each other. As a result, the Strait of Gibraltar went from being a bridge of exchange and the intermingling of cultures and religions to a hard boundary of clashing civilizations.⁴⁸ This thesis must be qualified in several respects. First of all, the Reconquista enabled the Ottomans to expand their geographic knowledge of the West. On his military expeditions, Kemâl was accompanied by his nephew Pîrî Reis (ca. 1470–1554)[]. The latter drew a nautical chart of the central Atlantic in 1513 and wrote a "Book of the Seas" (Kitab-ı Bahriye) in 1521, which contains hundreds of topographic maps of the coasts, bays, islands, and tributaries of the Mediterranean as well as detailed information on Mediterranean cities, regions, and countries. It is thus considered the beginning of modern Mediterranean cartography.⁴⁹ Subsequently, the Ottomans expanded not only in Central Europe (1521–1566 Hungary) and in the Levant but also in North Africa in order to halt the Spanish (Ceuta/Melilla since 1415/1497, Oran 1509–1732) and the Portuguese (Tangier 1471–1661). In 1519, Algiers, which was under the control of the Muslim pirate Hayreddin Paşa Barbaros ("Barbarossa," ca. 1465–1546) requested the Sultan's help and became an Ottoman vassal state. Barka (1521), Tripoli (1551) and Tunis (1531/74) later followed suit. When the Ottomans surprisingly lost the bulk of their fleet and navy in 1571 in the naval battle of Lepanto against a "Holy Alliance" organized by Pope Pius V (1504–1572) and led by the Habsburgs, their advance westward was stopped. Still they did not "retreat" by any means from the Mediterranean after 1571. Rather, the Levantine Sea remained the undisputed center of their empire. The Sultan ruled over the territory in the 18th century, as the British and French were fighting here. This contrasted with European conceptions of maritime law, which regarded the sea 15 kilometers away from the coast as unprotected. Even beyond the Levant, the Ottomans remained a peacekeeping power in the Mediterranean. When the Venetians wanted to negotiate with the pirates and slave traders of the North African barbarian states, they called a mufti. Since the Ottoman legal order spanned the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean, Christians and Jews turned to Ottoman institutions in many places. The Ottoman-dominated Levant was not determined alone by the Christian-Muslim dichotomy, as the Venetian-Ottoman wars suggest. Rather, Muslims, Latin and Orthodox Christians lived here together uninterrupted. The Ottoman Levantine trade with Venetians and French, British and Dutch, whose financial volume around 1700 was only slightly less than that of Spanish trade with America, provided for exchange and communication between Christians, Jews, and Muslims. In this respect, the theory that 1492 represented a Mediterranean break with civilization needs to be put into perspective.⁵⁰

Nevertheless, the Reconquista marked a profound turning point. For its part, Christian Spain had changed the question of the "purity of faith" into a question of the "purity of blood" (limpieza de sangre). Here, they expelled forcibly converted Jews (marranos) and Muslims (moriscos) and, in the process, ushered in modern racism. By contrast, the Ottomans, whose dynasty consisted of the marriage of Ottoman men with noble Greek and Serbian women of Christian faith, integrated both the Muslims and the Jews from the Iberian Peninsula.⁵¹ Their inclusion led to a partial "Westernization" of the population and the culture of Ottoman cities. Some joined the corsairs of the North African Barbary states, who specialized in privateering wars and land raids in order to earn ransom and protection money by enslaving and selling Christians.⁵² The integration of the fugitives and displaced persons was by no means without its problems. On the contrary, violent conflicts arose between "Andalusians," "Turks," the kûlughli (“slave sons”; the offspring of the liaisons between the latter and native women), and the locals.⁵³ Nevertheless, the integration of the Sephardi Jews illustrates the Ottoman Empire's creative approach to religious difference. Following a medieval Islamic principle of protection (dhimma), members of other book religions (ahl al-kitab) were allowed to practice their faith here largely autonomously. They had to pay special taxes and perform duties; they were also generally denied higher administrative offices (Greek Orthodox in the Balkans and converts were not subject to these restrictions). Still, they could participate in decision-making processes and civil life at the local level. This toleration of religious otherness originated in the early phase of the empire, when the Ottomans still ruled by a majority over Christians. It also followed an economic calculation, as the extensive trading networks of Armenians, Greeks, and Jews spurred the imperial economy. They were not legally privileged until the 16th century, when Muslims again formed the majority. Although there were now isolated Islamization campaigns, forced conversions did not take place, and also pogroms were, unlike in Christian-ruled Europe, "the absolute exception."⁵⁴

This flexible system of handling cultural and religious diversity, which has recently been defined as "Ottoman cosmopolitanism" in an Empire of Difference⁵⁵ was under increasing pressure in the 19th century. In the uprisings and secessions of the Serbs (1804–1878) and Greeks (1821–30) modern nationalism gave an early indication of its explosive power.⁵⁶ Under the influence of Western European powers, a progressive bureaucracy in the Sultan's palace in the years from 1839–1876 pushed through a "reorganization" (Tanzimât) of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, religious minorities were given equal rights and the Ottoman markets were opened up, which turned the Levant into an testing ground for free-trade imperialism.⁵⁷

While in late Ottoman port cities, new forms of consumption, sociability, and mixing of cultures emerged, which were understood as "cosmopolitan,"⁵⁸ the "long" First World War, which began in 1911 with the Italian attack on Tripoli and ended in 1923 with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, led to savage massacres of Christians and Muslims in the Balkan wars from 1912/13, to the genocide of the Armenians in 1915/16 and, in the Greek-Turkish population exchange in 1923, to the first contractually regulated and state-organized forced relocations ("ethnic cleansing") in world history. In a tragic historical irony, Smyrna (turk. Izmir), which was considered a model of late Ottoman cosmopolitanism, became an epicenter of interreligious nationalist violence in 1922.⁵⁹ In the testing and establishing of new forms of violence, the Mediterranean region must also be considered a laboratory of the modern age.⁶⁰

Mare Nostrum

Between the 19th and the middle of the 20th century, Europe's political, geographical, demographic and cultural borders were shifted to the south and east. As a result, from a European perspective, the Mediterranean appeared as a mare nostrum.⁶¹ The Mediterranean islands were also Europeanized. If they were previously classified as belonging to the African or Asian continent, they have since been classified as belonging to Europe. This is also the case with Malta, Lampedusa and Pantelleria, Lesbos, Rhodes or Cyprus, which lie directly off the coast of Africa or Asia.⁶²

Imperial competition had already intensified in the 18th century. In the north, the Habsburgs⁶³ and Romanovs stepped up the pressure on the Ottomans. In the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774), Russia acquired the Sea of Azov and the Crimea and free access to the Black Sea and to the Mediterranean Sea. The Orthodox Christians of the Ottoman Empire were henceforth under the protection of the tsars, which nourished desires for a change of imperial rule or even autonomy.⁶⁴ In the 19th century, the model of “protecting” religious "minorities" was then also adopted in Western Europe. France, in particular, was seen as the protecting power of the Latin Christians, while the private Alliance Israélite Universelle was responsible for the emancipation of the Jews in North Africa and the Near East. This further undermined the authority of the Sultan, whom European caricaturists have mocked since the Crimean War (1853–1856) as the "sick man on the Bosporus."⁶⁵

Ottoman power also eroded in the West. Already in the 18th century, the North African Barbary states had become independent and had concluded their own treaties with European powers, which in turn protected themselves from capture. After 1800, this arrangement became invalid: Now, the USA conducted a war against Tripoli (1801–1805) and bombed Algiers (1815); the British and Dutch followed their example shortly thereafter (1816). The French blockade and conquest of Algiers (1827–1830) finally marked the end of Barbary rule over the western Mediterranean.⁶⁶ Already before that, France and Great Britain had occupied strategically important straits (Gibraltar 1713 brit.) and islands (Minorca 1708/63 brit., Corsica 1768 fr.). The loss of their most important colonies in America (USA 1776, Saint-Domingue) additionally drew the attention of both powers to the Mediterranean area, especially to the Isthmus of Suez as the gateway to India, which was considered the key to world domination.

In order to launch a new offensive in India, French troops occupied Egypt under Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821) from 1798–1801. Although the campaign failed militarily, it had far-reaching consequences. The Egyptian scholar Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti (1754–1822) recognized in it the "beginning of a series of great strokes of fate" for the Islamic world.⁶⁷ He was certainly impressed by the curiosity of the scholars accompanying the expedition for Ancient Egypt. Their research led to the monumental Déscription de l'Égypte (1809–29), which founded modern Egyptology. With a view to the present and the future, however, Napoleonic propaganda conveyed the idea of a civilizing superiority of the Occident, which obliged it to liberate the Orient from supposed "backwardness” and to put it on the track of progress. This Orientalist narrative has been used again and again since then to justify Western interventions in the Near and Middle East.⁶⁸

In the 19th century, the British-French scramble for the Mediterranean intensified. While the British occupied strategically important islands and canals with Malta (1814–1964), the Ionian Islands (1815–64), Cyprus (1878–1960) and indirect rule over Egypt (1882–1922),⁶⁹ the French in the Maghreb (Algeria 1830–1962, Tunisia 1881–56, Morocco 1912–56) built a terrestrial empire. Before the First World War, along with Italy in Libya (1911–51) and Spain in northern Morocco (1912–56), two further European colonial powers landed on the southern Mediterranean shore.⁷⁰ In 1916, France and Great Britain agreed in the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement on the future division of the West Asian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. In 1917, the Balfour Declaration for the creation of a national home for Jewish people in Palestine laid the groundwork for the "Middle East conflict." After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, during the interwar period France and Great Britain took over the League of Nations mandates for Palestine and Transjordan (brit.), Syria, and Lebanon (fr.). The entire Mediterranean region thus stood under the influence of European powers,⁷¹ even if this was already challenged by anti-colonial movements as in the Egyptian revolt of 1919⁷² or the Rif War (1922–26).⁷³

In the course of this imperial expansion of Europe to the south, the idea emerged of a "Mediterranean region" as a unified natural and cultural area. As shown by the example of the French spatial concept of the Méditerranée, botanists, geologists, anthropologists, archaeologists, philosophers, and historians all actively contributed to this concept.⁷⁴ While anthropological knowledge was used to dominate the indigenous peoples, the archaeological excavation of monumental pasts of Mediterranean antiquity served to justify imperial dominance and hegemony. By presenting themselves as legitimate heirs of ancient Egypt, Greece or Rome in the metropolitan centers well as the peripheries of their empires, European powers effectively restored the Mediterranean unity and continuity allegedly destroyed by Islam. The Mediterranean region was thus conceived as the cradle of a civilization that was both universalistic and Eurocentric. The centuries of Muslim rule, on the other hand, were regarded as siècles obscures.⁷⁵

In the interwar period, European politicians, geographers, and engineers of different world views and provenance then even imagined a fusion of Europe with Africa in spatial concepts such as Atlantropa, Eurafrica, and Panropa. These served the expansion of national empires – fascist Italy claimed Libya as the "Fourth Coast" (quarta sponda) and the Mediterranean as mare nostro – or, as envisaged it, to unite and prepare the Occident for the global competition with America and Asia through a concerted development of African resources. In these geo-political visions, the Mediterranean appeared as a maritime link between Europe and its African provinces. The border between the two continents was abolished, and the relationship between north and south was conceived as a relationship of colonial exploitation.⁷⁶

Algeria was the model and an extreme example of this trans-Mediterranean shift of the European southern border. After the French conquest (1830–1847), the Ottoman regency was declared a settlement colony in 1838, and then, in 1848, even a part of the national territory. Napoleon III (1808–1873) stopped the state settlement policy and proclaimed Algeria his "Arab Kingdom.” While Muslims were to be equal subjects, the colonial land grab and the destruction of tribal structures persisted in the Second Empire. In 1870, the Third Republic gave the settlers control over the civil administration, which they used to expropriate the Muslims. As the cultivation of the interior was nevertheless proceeding at a slow pace, the colonial administration – after a disastrous phylloxera plague in the hexagon, which destroyed 40 % of the vineyards – “transplanted” wine growers and wine workers from the Midi to Algeria in order to help the colonial economy finally flourish after numerous setbacks. Thanks to free land concessions, cheap credit, bargain Muslim labor, oenological knowledge transfers and technological innovations, they transformed Algeria before the First World War into the world's largest exporter and fourth largest producer of wine. As a consequence, there was a partial assimilation of the natural areas of the South of France and northern Algeria. Algeria seemed to have become the southern extension of the hexagone. As late as the Algerian War (1954–1962), the North African departments were portrayed as an integral part of the nation.⁷⁷

Mediterranean subjects

The European colonial powers reduced the ethnic-religious complexity of North Africa and the Levant. The French, for example, divided the diverse population of the Ottoman regency of Algiers in 1831 into two legal categories: "Europeans" and "Indigènes."⁷⁸ While they gradually integrated the native Jews and naturalized them in 1870 without being asked,⁷⁹ they subjugated the indigenous Muslims in 1881 to a draconian native law.⁸⁰ Here, a distinction was made between "nomadic" Arabs and "sedentary," supposedly more easily assimilated Berbers.⁸¹ Although the Europeans were less brutal in other colonies and protectorates, their "politics of difference" divided the Christians, Jews, and Muslims of the region for a long period.⁸² It is therefore no coincidence that after decolonization there was an exodus of Christians and Jews from North Africa and West Asia, which led to the ethnic-religious "unmixing" of the population.⁸³

At the same time, however, Europe's imperial regime itself produced "hybrid" subjects that could not be clearly assigned to any "cultural area."⁸⁴ The history of the European term "Levantine," which at first referred to all inhabitants of the Ottoman port cities of the eastern Mediterranean, was restricted in the 19th century to all non-Muslims permanently resident there and finally to "native" Catholics, bears witness to the bewilderment European travelers experienced about a group that could be qualified neither as "European" nor "Oriental."⁸⁵ Even the Mediterranean Europeans who immigrated uninvited from the northern coasts and islands of the western Mediterranean to North Africa in the 19th century – Spaniards, Maltese and Italians – were not initially recognized as Occidentals by the French colonial administration, but were rather counted as Africans or Orientals. They were not considered willing or able to promote mise en valeur or even fulfill the mission civilisatrice. They were instead viewed as parasites of the œuvre français and a "fifth column" of rival empires.⁸⁶ In addition, southern European nations and regions such as Spain and Greece, Mezzogiorno, and Balkans have been excluded from the Occident by Northwestern Europe since the Enlightenment. Parallel to the "Europeanization" of North Africa and the Levant, there was also an "Orientalization" or "Africanization" of Southern Europe, which was thus excluded from concepts of "Western" civilization and modernity.⁸⁷ Only after the reform of the citizenship law (since 1889, Europeans born on French soil automatically received the citoyenneté⁸⁸) did a collective identity form among the predominantly Catholic settlers – in distinction from the emancipated Jews and from Paris. In the 1890s, Algeria became a center of French anti-Semitism.⁸⁹ In the interwar period, the wine wars between the Midi viticole and the North African departments strained the relationship between the metropolis and the colony.⁹⁰ During decolonization, when about one million settlers fled to France and were "repatriated," this emotional gap deepened. Many French people in the hexagone considered the pieds noirs politically suspect and culturally alien; they felt "betrayed" by the abandonment of their homeland.⁹¹ The harkis, those Muslims who had fought for France in the Algerian War and fled from repression after independence, were hit even harder. They had to reapply for French citizenship and were forced to live in ghettoized military camps. Despised as "collaborators" by Algerians on both sides of the Mediterranean, they were simply "Arabs" for many French.⁹²

Braudel regretted the "miserable fate" of the harkis, but generally considered people of different faiths difficult to integrate. In L'identité de la France (1986), his posthumous national history of France, he argued that the religious core of cultures hinders the assimilation of their human bearers: While Jews only "to a very limited extent" detached themselves from their "inner culture," "the main obstacle standing in the way of North African immigrants is the fundamental diversity of cultures."⁹³ In La Méditerranée (1949) Braudel had already developed the theory that cultures (civilisations) were "native to a particular region" and therefore could not be "transplanted." This view would have been suitable for criticizing the French project of assimilating Algeria. Braudel, however, applied it exclusively to Islamic Spain (al-andalus), where the Reconquista had to expel the Muslims who had been forcibly converted because they were "not assimilable."⁹⁴ In contrast, he would defend French-Algeria until the end of his life. In 1923–1932, he had worked here as a secondary school teacher and university lecturer; a year after arriving, he married the daughter of a settler family from Tiaret in the Oran department. In the Annales, Braudel campaigned for recognition of the agricultural achievements of "European Africa," i.e. the settlers in Algeria. In his Mediterranean book he praised the cultivation of the Tiaret plateau as a positive example of taming nature.⁹⁵ Braudel's theory of espace culturel, which was later taken up by Samuel P. Huntington (1927–2008) and Niall Ferguson (born 1964), among others,⁹⁶ was itself in many respects a product of the colonial intertwining of the modern Mediterranean region.

The fact that the region could be understood otherwise even in those days is shown by the example of Gabriel Audisio (1900–1978). His fluid understanding of Mediterranean culture was a product of the transnational (Piedmontese, Romanian, Flemish and niçois) roots of his "nomadic" family, his quick study of Islamic civilization, and his occupational mobility. In the 1930s, the journalist and writer travelled restlessly between Paris and Algiers, his home city of Marseille and other Mediterranean ports for the Algerian tourism authority. In the Cahiers du Sud and the collection of essays La Jeunesse de la Méditerranée (1935), he criticized contemporary Mediterranean concepts such as Louis Bertrand's (1866–1941) "Latin Africa" or Paul Valéry’s (1871–1945) machine à faire de la civilisation as Eurocentric. "Our European perspectives" of the Mediterranean as part of Europe are wrong, and all attempts by European nationalists and regionalists to appropriate the Mediterranean are misguided. For the Mediterranean is the "fatherland" of all its inhabitants. The unity of the region resulted from the "mixing" of its cultures and races, to which Audisio also counted Phoenicians, Arabs, and Jews. The neglect of the region in geological studies on Europe shows that the Mediterranean is a "sixth continent," a "fluid continent" (continent liquide).⁹⁷

Since the turn of the 21st century, Mediterranean artists, scientists, and marketing strategists have seized on this fluid, transcultural understanding of the region in order to move their cities, islands and regions once again from the peripheries of nations and continents to the center of global interactions.⁹⁸ Conversely, rigid demarcation lines have also again come to the fore in the region. While the Mediterranean remains the most popular destination for tourists from all over the world, it has become a death zone for migrants from Africa and Asia. In this context, too, we would do well to avoid using spatial concepts such as the Mediterraneum without reflection, but always to explore their genesis, use and consequences. In doing so, we can trace the interactions between the construction of space, on the one hand, and its transformation on the other.

In order to transcend the "metageographies" with which we think, order, and hierarchize the world, de-essentialized, historicized spatial categories such as the Mediterraneum form an ideal starting point. The spatial concept is therefore particularly suitable for overcoming the "myth of the continents."⁹⁹ As a look at the region's modern history shows, the boundaries between "Africa," "Asia," and "Europe" have become so blurred in this "fluid continent" that it seems appropriate that we understand these units of historical analysis more in their Mediterranean context in the future.

Manuel Borutta

Appendix

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Notes

For their valuable suggestions and critical comments, I would like to thank Lutz Berger, Patrick Bernhard, Jasmin Daam, Fernando Esposito, Claudia Falk, Malte Fuhrmann, Ulrich Gotter, Andreas Guidi, Daniel König and Marco Scheider.

1. ^{^} On the state of Mediterranean research: Horden, Companion to Mediterranean History 2014; Dabag, Handbuch der Mediterranistik 2015; Albera, Dictionnaire de la Méditerranée 2016. On the "grand narrative": Abulafia, Das Mittelmeer 2013. On the EU border regime: Meier-Braun, Schwarzbuch Migration 2018, pp. 129–152. On the exclusion of Southern Europe: Schenk, Süden 2007; Borutta, Frankreichs Süden 2014; Bourguinat, L'invention des Midis 2015; Dainotto, Europa 2017.
2. ^{^} Horden / Purcell, Corrupting Sea 2000, emphasize the continuous connectivity of the pre-modern Mediterranean region.
3. ^{^} See, for example, Armitage, Oceanic Histories 2018.
4. ^{^} Marc Ferro has even argued that the Spanish-Portuguese overseas expansion was modelled on that of the Crusader states. Consequently, the history of colonialism would not begin with Atlantic and East Indian "discoveries," but with the Mediterranean in the 11th/12th century: Ferro, Colonization 1997. On the analogies of ancient Mediterranean and modern global processes of networking: Morris, Mediterraneanization 2003; Abulafia, Mediterranean History 2011; Purcell, Unnecessary Dependencies 2016. By contrast, for globalization as a genuinely modern process with 1492 as the decisive caesura, see Osterhammel, Geschichte der Globalisierung 2007.
5. ^{^} See Braudel, Mediterrane Welt 1990, p. 8 f; Kaiser, Mediterrane Welt 2008, col. 249.
6. ^{^} See International Centre for Advanced Mediterranean Agronomic Studies (CIHEAM), Mediterra 2012.
7. ^{^} Pirenne, Mahomet et Charlemagne 1922; Said, Orientalism 2009; Ferguson, The West 2013. On the refutation or modification of the Pirenne thesis, see McCormick, Origins 2001; Wickham, Early Middle Ages 2005.
8. ^{^} The term mare mediterraneum was first used in Isidore of Seville’s Etymologiae (621/630 AD), a collection of late antique knowledge which became the "land register" of the Latin Middle Ages (E. R. Curtius) through transcriptions in monastery libraries and was illustrated in a print edition of 1472 with the first printed map of the Occident. In 1898, Konrad Miller visualized Isidore's geographic knowledge in his own map https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7e/Karte_Isidor.jpg [2021-01-08]. Isidore described the Mediterranean Sea as a sea "that separates Africa, Asia and Europe" (Europam et Africam Asiamque disterminans). Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi 1911, Liber XIII, DE MUNDO ET PARTIBUS, Caput XVI, 16 De mediterraneo mari. Arab authors of the Middle Ages also described it as a barrier rather than a bridge. It was not until the 19th century that the term al-Mutassawit appeared, which was an adaptation of the Western concept of the Méditerranée and thus refers to an imperial spatial concept of European provenance. On the history of Arabic terms, see Dunlop, Baḥr al-Rūm 2012; Matar, "Mediterranean" through Arab Eyes 2019. The term mare nostrum, on the other hand, is already found in Caes. B Gall. 5,1,2 and expresses – after the destruction of Carthage in 146 BC and the annihilation of the Mediterranean piracy by Pompeius in 67 BC – Rome's thalassocratic claim to rule over the Mediterranean. On ancient terminological history, see Burr, Nostrum mare 1933. On modern terminological history, see Ruel, L'invention de la Méditerranée 1991; Bourguet, Enquêtes en méditerranée 1999; Deprest, L'invention géographique 2002 as well as the ten-volume collection of essays by Ilbert, Les réprésentations de la Méditerranée 2000 on the Mediterranean discourses of Egypt, Germany and France, Italy, Lebanon and Morocco, Spain, Tunisia and Turkey.
9. ^{^} Wagner, Mediterranean 2011, 1. On geography and oceanography, see also Philippson, Mittelmeergebiet 1922.
10. ^{^} Braudel, Mittelmeer und die mediterrane Welt 1990, vol. 1, pp. 15–59.
11. ^{^} For some of the partial seas mentioned, see Braudel, Mittelmeer und die mediterrane Welt 1990, pp. 145–195.
12. ^{^} Braudel, Méditerranée et le Monde méditerranéen 1949.
13. ^{^} Horden / Purcell, Corrupting Sea 2000. Critically: Harris, Rethinking 2005; Kaiser, Mediterranean World 2008, col. 249f.; Borutta / Lemmes, Wiederkehr 2013. Eulogistically: Catlos, Can We Talk Mediterranean? 2017.
14. ^{^} General information on historiography: Marin, Historiographie 2016. As a research overview of the early modern period: Kaiser, Mediterrane Welt 2008; Greene, Mediterranean Sea 2018; Zwierlein, Frühneuzeitliche Geschichte 2015. On modern times: Borutta / Lemmes, Wiederkehr 2013.
15. ^{^} Calic, Südosteuropa 2016.
16. ^{^} Schayegh, Middle East 2017.
17. ^{^} Ilbert, Alexandrie 1996; Eldem, Ottoman City 2005; Fuhrmann, Late Ottoman Port-Cities 2009; Gekas / Grenet, Trade, Politics and City Space(s) 2011.
18. ^{^} Rappas, Cyprus 2014; Gekas, Xenocracy 2017.
19. ^{^} Troebst, Monde méditerranéen 2007; Mansel, Levant 2010.
20. ^{^} Huber, Channeling Mobilities 2013; Paulmann, Straits of Europe 2013.
21. ^{^} Braudel, Mittelmeer und die mediterrane Welt 1990, vol. 1, pp. 38f., 83.
22. ^{^} On the criticism and reception of Braudel's Mediterranean book, see Burke, Offene Geschichte 1998.
23. ^{^} This view is now considered outdated. For a critique of the decline thesis, see for instance Zwierlein, Frühneuzeitliche Geschichte 2015, p. 95.
24. ^{^} Horden / Purcell, Corrupting Sea 2000; Horden / Purcell, Mediterranean 2006.
25. ^{^} Cf. for example, Tabak, Waning of the Mediterranean 2008; Ben-Yehoyada, Mediterranean Modernity 2014; Greene, Mediterranean Sea 2018.
26. ^{^} On colonial origins: Borutta, Braudel in Algiers 2016. On other Mediterranean seas, see Philippson, Mediterranean Area 1922; Abulafia, Globalisiertes Mittelmeer 2003.
27. ^{^} Blais / Deprest, Mediterranean 2012.
28. ^{^} On the historiographical operationalization of this term, see Mauelshagen, Anthropozän 2012. The modern environmental history of the region has so far been dealt with mainly by geographers. As a case study for colonial North Africa, see Davis, Granary of Rome 2007. On premodernity, see for example McNeill, Mountains of the Mediterranean World 2002.
29. ^{^} During the First World War, France recruited more than 200,000 soldiers and more than 130,000 workers from North Africa. See Stora, Immigrés algériens en France 1992, p. 14; Meynier, Algériens et la guerre 2012, p. 231; Fogarty, Race and War 2008, p. 27. On the Suez Canal construction site, see Osterhammel, Verwandlung 2009, pp. 981–984. On the modern history of migration in the western Mediterranean region: Liauzu, Histoire des migrations 1996. On Mediterranean labor migration after 1945, see Caruso, Postwar Mediterranean Migration 2008.
30. ^{^} Corsica's population, for example, doubled between 1780 and 1880 and halved again by 1950: Thompson, Settlement and Conflict 1978.
31. ^{^} Nicolet, Mégapoles méditerranéennes 2000.
32. ^{^} On the beginnings, types and consequences of Mediterranean tourism: Pemble, Mediterranean Passion 1987; Apostolopoulos, Mediterranean Tourism 2006; Richter, Süden 2009; Pons, Cultures of Mass Tourism 2009; Segreto, Europe at the Seaside 2009; Wagner, Mittelmeerraum 2011, pp. 173–185.
33. ^{^} With regard to southern europe this is shown by Knöbl, Southern Europe 2015. For the Mediterranean anthropology see Dir, Bilder des Mittelmeer-Raumes 2005.
34. ^{^} Eisenmenger, Vergessene Verfassung 2010.
35. ^{^} Späth, Revolution in Europa 2012.
36. ^{^} Bayly, Giuseppe Mazzini 2008; Riall, Garibaldi 2008; Khuri-Makdisi, Eastern Mediterranean 2010; Isabella, Mediterranean Diasporas 2015.
37. ^{^} Blaschke, Weltreligionen im Umbruch 2019.
38. ^{^} Mishra, Ruinen des Empires 2013.
39. ^{^} On the transplantation of the Sicilian mafia to the USA, see Lupo, Two Mafias 2015; Varese, Mafias on the Move 2013.
40. ^{^} Abulafia, Globalisiertes Mittelmeer 2003.
41. ^{^} See the inspiring interpretation of Burke, Comparative History 2013.
42. ^{^} Steam navigation, for example, triggered a "spatial revolution" as early as the 1830s, but the bulk of the inner-Mediterranean sea trade was still carried out on sailing ships until the end of the 19th century. The term "spatial revolution" follows Schmitt, Raumrevolution 1940.
43. ^{^} Comparing both empires: Braudel, Mittelmeer und die mediterrane Welt 1990, vol. 2, pp. 424–482; Burbank / Cooper, Imperien der Weltgeschichte 2012, pp. 159–197.
44. ^{^} Casale, Ottoman Age 2010. Koller, Osmanistik 2015; Greene, Mediterranean Sea 2018, pp. 141–145 illuminate the relationship of the Ottomans to the Mediterranean.
45. ^{^} Faroqhi, Osmanisches Reich 2014, p. 219.
46. ^{^} Abulafia, Mittelmeer 2013, pp. 497, 500.
47. ^{^} For the more recent literature on Islamic Spain (al-andalus), see Catlos, Kingdoms of Faith 2018.
48. ^{^} Hess, Forgotten Frontier 1978. For a critical appraisal, see Zwierlein, Frühneuzeitliche Geschichte 2015, p. 93; Greene, Mediterranean Sea 2018, pp. 140f.
49. ^{^} On Mediterranean cartography, see Savage-Smith, Cartography 2014.
50. ^{^} Greene, Mediterranean Sea 2018, p. 35. By contrast, for the thesis of a withdrawal of the Ottoman Empire from the Mediterranean after the 16th century, see Koller, Osmanistik 2015, p. 356. On the Levantine coexistence of Muslims, Latin and Orthodox Christians: Greene, Shared World 2000. On Levante trade: Davis, Aleppo 1967; Eldem, French Trade 1999; Dursteler, Venetians in Constantinople 2006. On the maritime controversies of the 17th century, see Calafat, Mer jalousée 2019.
51. ^{^} On the classification of the Reconquista in the history of racism: Geulen, Geschichte des Rassismus 2006, pp. 32–36.
52. ^{^} Like their Christian counterparts, the Maltese Knights of St. John or the Greek "freedom pirates," they also established (trans-)Mediterranean links between Christians and Muslims. (The threat of) Piracy did not stop Mediterranean trade, but only changed its conditions. From the rich literature on Mediterranean piracy: Kaiser, Commerce des captifs 2008; Bono, Piraten und Korsaren 2009; Ressel, Zwischen Sklavenkassen und Türkenpässen 2012; Jaspert / Kolditz, Seeraub im Mittelmeerraum 2013; White, Piracy and Law 2018; Hershenzon, Captive Sea 2018.
53. ^{^} Kaiser, Mediterranean World 2008, col. 258. On Jewish and Muslim migrants in the Maghreb in modern times: Abécassis, Bienvenue et l'adieu 2012.
54. ^{^} Thus Faroqhi, Ottoman Empire 2014, p. 234. Most recently, however, the thesis has been put forward that an era of confessionalization had been initiated in the Ottoman Empire in the 17th century, among other things by incoming moriscos who had turned against Catholics and Jews in Galata. Krstić, Moriscos 2014. On Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: Braude, Christians and Jews 1982; Levy, Jews, Turks, Ottomans 2002.
55. ^{^} Lafi, Cosmopolitanism 2017. See, now in comprehensive detail, Lafi, Esprit civique 2018. Classicly: Barkey, Empire of Difference 2008.
56. ^{^} On the Greek Revolution as a global historical event, see Aydin, Regionen und Reiche 2016.
57. ^{^} Thus Kaiser, Mediterranean World 2008, col. 254.
58. ^{^} For a critique of this concept and the alternatives, see Freitag, Cosmopolitanism 2014; Fuhrmann, Meeresanrainer 2007; Fuhrmann, Port Cities [forthcoming].
59. ^{^} Cf. as an overview: Ther, Nationalstaaten 2011, pp. 71–82. On the Balkan Wars: Ginio, Ottoman Culture of Defeat 2016. On the Armenian genocide: Akçam, Young Turks' Crime 2012. On the population exchange: Morack, Dowry of the State 2013. On the catastrophe of Smyrna in 1922: Georgelin, Fin de Smyrne 2005.
60. ^{^} On the Mediterranean region of the early 20th century as a "space of violence": Brehl, Gewaltraum Mittelmeer 2019.
61. ^{^} On the colonial era, see Liauzu, L'Europe et l'Afrique méditerranéenne 1994; Borutta, Colonial Sea 2012.
62. ^{^} Siehe dazu Kaiser, Mediterrane Welt 2008.
63. ^{^} The Habsburgs, who had been advancing in Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkans since the “Great Turkish War” (1683–99), had to cede parts of their conquests to the Ottomans in 1739. On the maritime connections of the Habsburg Empire, which via the Adriatic port of Trieste and Lloyd austriaco played a decisive role in Mediterranean steam navigation in the 19th century, see Frank, Continental and Maritime Empires 2011; Frank, Children of the Desert 2012.
64. ^{^} Aydin, Regionen und Reiche 2016, p. 67. On Russia's Mediterranean ambitions, which in the case of Catherine II was connected with the "grand idea" of reconquering Constantinople, see Abulafia, Mittelmeer 2013, pp. 644–649.
65. ^{^} See Frankel, Damascus Affair 1997; Kaspi, Histoire de l'Alliance israélite universelle 2010; Assan, Minorités en Méditerranée au XIXe siècle 2019.
66. ^{^} On the demise of the Barbary corsairs: Panzac, Corsaires barbaresques 1999.
67. ^{^} Mishra, Ruins of the Empire 2013, p. 26.
68. ^{^} Said, Orientalism 2009; Laurens, L'expédition d'Egypte 1997; Cole, Schlacht bei den Pyramiden 2010. On the "humanitarian interventions" in the Ottoman Empire, see Rodogno, Against Massacre 2011; Bouyrat, Devoir d'intervenir 2013.
69. ^{^} On British Mediterranean policy, see Holland, Blue-Water Empire 2012.
70. ^{^} On Italian Libya: Segrè, Fourth Shore 1974; Pergher, Mussolini's Nation-Empire 2017; Labanca, Oltremare 2002. On Spanish and French Morocco: Jensen, Peculiarities of 'Spanish Morocco' 2005; Miller, History of Modern Morocco 2013, pp. 88–119.
71. ^{^} In Turkey, too, Mustapha Kemal Pasha pursued a radical cultural policy of Europeanization. See Plaggenborg, Ordnung und Gewalt 2012. On the Europeanisation of Turkish agriculture after 1950, see Hartmann, Eigensinnige Musterschüler 2020.
72. ^{^} See Pink, Geschichte Ägyptens 2014, pp. 186–189.
73. ^{^} Balfour, Deadly Embrace 2002.
74. ^{^} They seldom followed direct political guidelines, but acted within imperial frameworks that enabled and influenced their studies, especially in the military-scientific expeditions to Egypt (1798–1801), the Peloponnese (1828–1833) and Algeria (1839–1842). See Ruel, L'invention de la Méditerranée 1991; Bourguet, De la Méditerranée 1998; Fabre, France et la Méditerranée 2000; Jansen, Erfindung des Mittelmeerraums 2007; Blais / Deprest, Mediterranean 2012; Borutta, Braudel in Algier 2016.
75. ^{^} Gautier, Siècles obscurs 1927. On Anthropology and Islamic Studies, Lorcin, Imperial Identities 1995; Trumbull, An Empire of Facts 2009. On archaeology, see Reid, Whose Pharaohs 2002; Lorcin, Rome and France 2002; Jansen, Erfindung des Mittelmeerraums 2007; Trümpler, Großes Spiel 2008; Arthurs, Excavatory Intervention 2015.
76. ^{^} In Hermann Sörgel's project Atlantropa, the Mediterranean was even to be closed off from the inflow of the Atlantic Ocean by a dam near the Strait of Gibraltar and partially dried up by evaporation in order to gain new territory for the army of unemployed in Europe. Mediterranean hydroelectric power plants were to take over Europe's energy supply and supply Africa with raw materials. See Gall, Atlantropa Project 1998; Voigt, Atlantropa 1998. On Panropa and Eurafrica: Atkinson, Geopolitics 1995; Ellena, Political Imagination 2004; Hansen / Jonsson, Eurafrica 2015.
77. ^{^} Julien, Histoire de l'Algérie 1964; Ageron, Histoire contemporaine 1979; Ruedy, Modern Algeria 2005; Borutta, Nach der Méditerranée 2011. On viticulture, see Isnard, La vigne en Algérie 1951–1954.
78. ^{^} Henry, La norme et l'imaginaire construction 1987–1988; Clancy-Smith, Exoticism, Erasures, and Absence 2009.
79. ^{^} On the French integration and exclusion of Algerian Jews: Weil, Deformierte Staatsangehörigkeiten 2005; Blévis 2012, pp. 215f.; Schreier, Merchants of Oran 2017.
80. ^{^} Lorcin, Imperial Identities 1995.
81. ^{^} It was not until 1958 that they too were politically integrated. But the Algerian War was already raging there, in which the French army resettled 2.5 million Muslims in camps in order to isolate them from the FLN and "open them up to civilization." While the FLN defined Algeria as an Arab-Muslim nation, the militant representatives of the colons, who had previously always resisted the assimilation of Muslims, now declared them model French citizens. See Shepard, Invention of Decolonization 2006. On the "forced modernization" of Muslims in the Algerian War, see Feichtinger / Malinowski, Eine Million Algerier lernen im 20. Jahrhundert zu leben 2010.
82. ^{^} On the "politics of difference" of modern European colonial empires, see Burbank / Cooper, Imperien der Weltgeschichte 2012, pp. 361–413.
83. ^{^} Jansen, Unmixing the Mediterranean 2014.
84. ^{^} On the suitability of the concept of hybridity for the pre-modern Mediterranean region: Epstein, Hybridity 2014. Philosophers and cultural theorists tend to describe the modern Mediterranean using other terms such as polyphony, creolization, and hybridization: Fabre, Metaphors for the Mediterranean 2002; Chambers, Mediterranean Crossings 2008.
85. ^{^} Schmitt, Levantiner 2005.
86. ^{^} See Clancy-Smith, Mediterraneans 2011; Sessions, Sword and Plow 2011.
87. ^{^} See the literature cited in note 1.
88. ^{^} On the initiative of the deputies of Algeria and the Northern Department, the chamber decided on June 26, 1889 to reform citizenship, which strengthened the jus soli: Foreigners born on French (and therefore also Algerian) soil were henceforth automatically granted citizenship. On the genesis of the law in 1889, see Weil, Qu'est-ce qu'un Français? 2002, pp. 37–61, esp. pp. 55, 60f.
89. ^{^} Roberts, Citizenship and Antisemitism 2017.
90. ^{^} On these wine wars, see Borutta, Frankreichs Süden 2014, pp. 217f.
91. ^{^} Borutta, Vertriebene and Pieds-Noirs 2016.
92. ^{^} Lanzmann, Harkis 2011.
93. ^{^} Braudel, Frankreich 2009, pp. 204, 206f.
94. ^{^} Braudel, Mittelmeer und die mediterrane Welt 1990, vol. 2.
95. ^{^} Borutta, Braudel in Algier 2016.
96. ^{^} Huntington, Kampf der Kulturen 1998; Ferguson, Der Westen 2013.
97. ^{^} Gabriel Audisio, La patrie méditerranéenne, in: Les Cahiers du Sud (December 1933), pp. 601–609; Audisio, Jeunesse 1935, p. 14. Audisio's myth of the eternal Mediterranean (éternelle Méditerranée) also had a "blind spot." Like his counterparts Bertrand, Braudel and Valéry, he looked proudly at the French assimilation of Algeria and did not question the colonial system. Audisio, Jeunesse 1935, p. 99.
98. ^{^} See for example Marseille-Provence 2013 (Marseille), Marseille 2009, p. 35.
99. ^{^} See Lewis / Wigen, Myth of Continents 1997.