Spas from the 16th to the 19th century@Spas@(BE)@freigabe

European spas in the late Middle Ages and at the beginning of the early modern period

The long tradition of European watering places began with the Roman baths. However, there were few direct connections between the Roman tradition and the interest in thermal waters and baths that reemerged in the late Middle Ages and early modern period in different areas of Europe – from northern Italy to England. Aachen (Aquae Grani), Baden-Baden (Aquae Aureliae), Bath (Aquae Sulis), Vichy (Aquae Calidae), Wiesbaden (Aquae Mattiacae), and others were Roman baths. Their traditions ceased, however, with the collapse of the Roman Empire and were revived only in the later Middle Ages.¹ From the late 14th century onward, "spa travel" to such re-discovered or even newly discovered healing springs developed into a "new pattern of spa behavior" in central Europe.²  Many of these watering places, such as Wildbad in the Black Forest or Karlovy Vary (Carlsbad in Bohemia), were located outside of fortified cities and towns and thus presented a variety of perils for spa guests. The most famous example is the attack on Count Eberhard II of Württemberg (1315–1392) and his son Ulrich (1343–1388) in Wildbad in 1367.³ With this in mind, and in view of the increasing popularity of spa travel, numerous spas saw fundamental change during the 15th century. Usually at the behest of their respective rulers, these watering places were fortified with walls and defined as independent legal districts. Spa ordinances were also issued.⁴  Bathing pools were built, as were hostels and other accommodations for guests. Moreover, already in the late Middle Ages spas had become sites for diverse forms of recreation and social interactions, which were combined with healing practices by spa-goers.⁵ In humanist circles, for example, spa gifts were often "little literary presents" designed to contribute to the spa visitors' leisure and amusement.⁶

The older historiography often argued that the rise of spas was directly related to the decline of bathhouses in cities and, in particular, to the actions of urban authorities against these establishments in the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the early modern period.⁷ In fact, spas and urban bathhouses existed alongside each other between the 14th and 16th centuries, and the reasons for the decline of the latter were manifold.⁸ Still, contemporaries did consider the natural warm waters of the thermal baths to have considerably greater healing power than artificially prepared baths.

Balneology and spa practices

Balneology, the science of healing waters and baths, had already been developing in Italy since the 13th century, but it was not until the 15th century that balneological texts were received north of the Alps.⁹ At the dawn of the modern era, balneological compendia and treatises on individual spas quickly appeared in European native languages, alongside the balneological treatises in Latin primarily addressed to physicians. The former were aimed at a lay audience seeking information on the range of available spas and healing waters. They also served as a "guide to self-medication."¹⁰ Well-known balneological compendia in German include: Dises puchlein saget uns von allen paden die von natur heisz sein by the Nuremberg Meistersinger and barber surgeon Hans Folz (1435–1513)[] published in the late 15th century; the Tractat der Wildbeder natuer by the physician Lorenz Fries (1489–1531) of 1519; Paracelsus' (1493–1541)[] Badenfahrt Büchlin of 1566, and Jacobus Theodorus' (1522–1590) Neuw Wasserschatz of 1581.¹¹ The English-language tradition of balneological treatises began with William Turner's (1508–1568) A booke of the natures and properties as well of the bathes in England as of other bathes in Germany and Italy of 1562.¹² Balneology became an important branch of the medical sciences in the early modern period and enjoyed ongoing prominence in the 19th century when professorships of hydropathy were established at European universities.¹³

Throughout this period, the balneological instructions to visitors were based on dietetics, the basic rules for a regulated, balanced lifestyle to maintain health or cure illness. Galen (129–199)[] had summarized this Hippocratic approach in the "sex res non naturales" (the six things non-natural): light and air, food and drink, work and rest, sleep and wakefulness, excretions and secretions, and the states of mind. Dietetics was propagated by physicians in the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, and the early modern period and to the laity in a variety of ways.¹⁴ As a result, dietetics also found its way into balneology and became an integral part of physicians' instructions for a successful "spring water cure" (Brunnenkur). Every early modern spa treatise contains a chapter on dietetics.¹⁵ The dietetics of balneology combined general dietetics with the specifics of spring water cures: they provide instructions on proper eating and a balanced state of mind, but also on the length of bathing times and the number of glasses to drink. Failure to comply with these rules, physicians warned, would make the healing water ineffective. Over the course of the early modern period, the emphasis of dietetics changed. In contrast to the balneological treatises of the 16th and 17th centuries that centered primarily on food and drink, the 18th century saw a shift toward the "dietetics of the soul." Spa guests were to avoid work as well as all forms of overexertion or excitement (for example through gambling). In general, stressful moods and sensations endangered a successful spa cure. Overall, dietetics now occupied considerably less space in guidebooks and treatises about spas. It did not, however, lose its legitimacy until well into the 19th century. Dietetics was, after all, deeply embedded in the world views of both early modern physicians and laypeople.¹⁶

During the late Middle Ages and at the beginning of the early modern period, spas typically offered bathing pools. Those bathing pools that were intended for the use of the common people were initially open to the elements, but were increasingly covered. While separate indoor baths were provided for the upper classes, these were also used in groups and there was often no gender separation.¹⁷ The recommended bathing durations were long – four to ten hours a day – until the so-called "bathing rash" appeared. According to the contemporary notion of the skin's permeability, this rash was considered a sign of internal cleansing and thus the beginning of healing.¹⁸ Over the course of the late sixteenth and early 17th centuries, water cures at spas underwent two fundamental changes that had a significant impact on the history of spas during the remainder of the early modern period. On the one hand, people's interests shifted from thermal waters to acidulous springs and other cold mineral waters, the so-called "health springs" (Gesundbrunnen). The number of water springs available for curative purposes thus grew considerably. At the same time, the drinking cure and the "shower" (Dusche) were gradually introduced as a supplement to the bathing cure.¹⁹ In the 17th century, the drinking cure became the most common type of treatment. Nevertheless, the bathing cure – with greatly reduced bathing durations of one to two hours – remained an essential part of a spa visit. Even in the 18th century, a bathhouse was still regarded as necessary for a newly built spa. The overall framework for taking baths changed significantly, however. The aristocracy and the bourgeoisie no longer bathed in communal pools, but rather in individual bathtubs or chambers. The poor, in contrast, continued to use communal baths for some time.²⁰ In the 19th century, mud or clay baths and various other types of therapies, including baths with ash or spruce needles, greatly expanded spa treatments.²¹

What is a spa?

In modern German, the terms for watering places, Badeort, Kurort, Kurstadt, Bad, Heilbad, Gesundbrunnen, and others are often used synonymously. The usage of such terms in our primary sources, however, allows us to identify certain chronological trends that point to decisive stages of development. Until around 1800, the term used to describe spas with thermal springs was Wildbäder (wild baths). It is a common misunderstanding in the secondary literature that this term referred to the spas' location "in wild nature."²² In fact, numerous Wildbäder were located in cities, for example Aachen, Karlovy Vary, Wiesbaden, and Baden-Baden. Rather, the term Wildbäder referred to the "wild," i.e. "natural," origins of the warm healing waters.²³ In contrast, the terms Sauerbrunnen (also acidulae or eau minerale), acidulous springs, and Gesundbrunnen, health springs, were used to describe the newly fashionable cold medicinal waters. Increasingly, the usage of the word Gesundbrunnen (health spring) was broadened to denote the spas themselves, and it became the most widely used term to designate spas in central Europe in the 18th century. At the same time, the German term Kur (literally "cure") took root and was used ever more frequently in word compounds like Kurgast (spa guest) and Kurort (spa resort or spa town) by the end of the 18th century. In English, the term "spa" (or "spaw") gradually became more common during the early modern period. The term derived from Spa in the prince-bishopric of Liège, a watering place already known to the English in the 16th century. The growing use of the word in treatises on watering places led to its acceptance as a generic term.²⁴

The presence of supposedly curative springs and water treatments was not sufficient to define a spa. Indeed, healing waters were ubiquitous in Europe, and their various interpretations were based on processes of social negotiation and reflected in different societal practices. Fundamental processes in early modern society such as confessionalization influenced the way healing springs were interpreted. In early modern Germany a distinction was drawn between Catholic pilgrimage sites with holy wells, Lutheran miracle wells, and "profane" spas.²⁵ In Protestant England, meanwhile, the miraculous springs of the Middle Ages increasingly gave way to spas following the Reformation.²⁶

Unlike many places with healing springs, which included Bauernbäder (peasant baths) with a local catchment area and minimal infrastructure,²⁷ spa resorts offered their seasonal guests urban amenities – goods, services, and infrastructure – that went beyond medical treatments.  This included a wide range of amusements and leisure activities, which were closely linked to the spa resort's architectural and spatial configuration.²⁸ Spa resorts nevertheless varied greatly in size and legal status. Often, they were not towns in the legal sense of the word. Their various forms ranged from spa districts in a large imperial city such as Aachen to medium-sized and small towns and villages as well as facilities in the open countryside. In contrast to England, where private initiatives and private investors played a central role in the development of spas, the vast majority of spas in central Europe were founded by princes and dominated by the princely court. Few spas were under the supervision of municipal authorities (Aachen, Karlovy Vary) or can be described as purely private enterprises (Driburg).²⁹

A successful spa resort had a catchment area that was at least regional or supra-regional, if not international. Its degree of urbanity, especially its cultural urbanity, was determined by the – more or less sophisticated – demands of its guests. The social status of the spa guests also determined the geographical reach of the spa's catchment area: spas with Europe-wide or at least supra-regional significance attracted numerous guests from the high nobility, while spas with only regional significance usually had a clientele belonging chiefly to the middle and upper middle classes. While some spas in central Europe were "residence spas" (Residenzkurorte) with only noble visitors, most of the established spas were regularly frequented by people from the middle and lower middle classes, by peasants and the poor. These social groups, however, were systematically separated from the spa society of the higher classes.³⁰ In addition, many members of the lower social classes were present at the spas as servants – both in the health and recreational facilities and as attendants to the spa guests from the aristocracy and the upper middle class.³¹ Thus, spas were subject to extreme variation in population, social structure, and availability of goods and services over the course of the year.³²

The leading spa resorts of the early modern period and the 19th century were gathering places and centers of social life for the higher social classes of Europe.³³ Here, European high nobility, lower nobility or gentry, and the rising bourgeoisie – the haute bourgeoisie – converged and engaged in social interactions that were supposed to be inclusive.³⁴ Bath, the leading spa resort in England, was a permanent fixture in the annual itinerary of the English elites, who regularly alternated between their country estates, London, and the spa.³⁵ Karlovy Vary was an international spa as well as a meeting place for the elites of the Habsburg hereditary lands.³⁶ In the early modern German empire, spas served as social hubs for the elite and thus helped to offset the lack of a metropolis. For example, as a leading spa resort of the 18th century, Pyrmont functioned as an important meeting place for the elites of the northern German territories – a function that was not fulfilled by the residence or university towns.³⁷ Consequently, spas also operated as marriage markets and places for professional networking, especially for the bourgeoisie. They were a venue for freemasons, diplomats, and statesmen alike.³⁸ Spas repeatedly served as spaces for political meetings and (secret) negotiations throughout the early modern period and the 19th century. Notable in this context are, among others, the Pyrmont "Summer of Princes" (Fürstensommer) of 1681, during which the North German princes negotiated their stance on the reunion policy of Louis XIV (1638–1715),³⁹ the Congress of Ems of 1786, the Carlsbad Decrees of 1819, the "League of the Three Emperors" meeting in Baden-Baden in 1872, and of course the Ems Dispatch in 1870.⁴⁰

In addition to its typical spatial configuration, which I will describe below, the spa resort also had a specific temporal structure. While in the 16th and 17th centuries spring and fall were also regarded as seasons for bathing, in the 18th century the custom of summer spa travel prevailed. This became a fixed part of the annual calendar of both the nobility and the middle class. As a rule, the spa season extended from June to August. Significant numbers of guests, however, visited only from mid-June to mid-August, with July generally considered to be peak season. Spa visitors usually stayed between three and six weeks. A spa visit of four weeks was fairly common, although it was not unusual for people to stay for more than six weeks.⁴¹ "The everyday life away from everyday life" at the spa was characterized by a fixed routine. Spa guests used (mostly drank) the healing waters, enjoyed meals, and participated in group and individual activities in and around the spa. This ritualization of the daily routine provided social cohesion through a shared purpose.⁴² 

The geography and hierarchy of European spas and their transformation

In 16th- and early 17th-century Europe, the hierarchy of spas and the spa map in the minds of contemporaries differed significantly from those of the late 17th and 18th centuries. This changed again fundamentally during the late 18th and early 19th century. It is important to note that prior to the 19th centuries, the healing power of a water spring was based primarily on observation and experience – both by physicians and laypeople. Thus, the "healing power" of a water was an ascribed quality established by social consensus. As a result, the waters of some of the popular spas of the early modern period later proved to have no healing properties, such as Lauchstädt near Halle.⁴³

In the 16th and early 17th centuries, when bathing cures took center stage, the spas visited by – and thus firmly anchored in the perception of – central Europeans included Plombières in Lorraine, northern Italian watering places such as Bagni di Lucca, and places in Switzerland such as Pfäfers and Leukerbad.⁴⁴ Leading spas in the empire in the first half of the early modern period were Wildbad in the Black Forest, Wiesbaden, and Aachen. As thermal waters and bathing cures became less important and cold mineral waters and drinking cures rose to prominence, the spa map began to change. Looking at the entire European continent, we see that England in particular, and to some extent central Europe, were at the forefront of a new early modern development that combined healing and recreation. Italian spas did not undergo a resurgence until the 18th century, when Peter Leopold of Habsburg-Lorraine (1747–1792), Grand Duke of Tuscany, promoted spas such as Montecatini Terme and San Giuliano Terme.⁴⁵ Spas in Switzerland and Austria, for example Baden in der Schweiz and Bad Gastein, were known regionally but did not gain international recognition until the 19th century.⁴⁶ The French watering places of the 17th century also seem to have been mainly places of healing rather than of recreation. In any event, members of the French royal family made regular trips to spas, and toward the end of the 18th and at the beginning of the 19th century, French spas expanded as well. Vichy, for instance, subsequently developed into an international spa resort in the 19th century.⁴⁷

England and central Europe experienced similar trends insofar as an upswing during the late 16th and early 17th centuries was interrupted in the mid-17th century by war – namely, the English Civil War and the Thirty Years' War. Subsequently, both regions saw continuous expansion from the late 17th century onward. In central Europe, however, the Seven Years' War and the Napoleonic Wars again caused disruptions. In England, spas such as Bath, Tunbridge Wells , Epsom, Buxton and Harrogate developed in the late sixteenth and early 17th centuries. While these spas – and especially Bath – continued to thrive, the late 18th and early 19th centuries saw a wave of new establishments, especially in the west, the Midlands, and the north of England.⁴⁸ In central Europe, the network of supra-regionally known spas in the early modern period ranged from Spa and Aachen in the west to Karlovy Vary and Františkovy Lázně in the east, from Pyrmont in the north to the spas in Franconia and the Black Forest in the south. As a spa with a drinking cure, (Langen-)Schwalbach in the Taunus experienced a veritable boom at the end of the sixteenth century. While Spa and Aachen attracted an international audience in the early modern period, they also suffered negative effects from the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. Pyrmont and Karlovy Vary gained prominence in the 17th century, then emerged as the leading spa resorts of the 18th century.⁴⁹ 18th-century spas in both England and central Europe benefited from modern means of access in the form of newly built roads like turnpikes and highways (called chaussees in German) and the related expansion of regular passenger transport by stagecoach.⁵⁰

The map of spas with supra-regional recognition in central Europe expanded dramatically in the late 18th and especially in the 19th century. At that time, Mariánské Lázně in Bohemia, numerous spas in Silesia, Saxon Switzerland and Bavaria, in Austria and Switzerland, as well as many salt producing towns of the early modern period burst onto the scene. The changed perception of the natural landscape, which I will describe below, as well as the ever-growing influx of visitors, caused the number of spas to increase dramatically. In addition, some spas that had been of secondary importance in the 18th century now developed into "international spa resorts" (Weltbäder). Typical examples of this trend are Baden-Baden, Ems, Kissingen and Wiesbaden.⁵¹ The number of spa visitors in the 19th century soon shattered early modern dimensions. Wiesbaden, for example, recorded 5,779 guests in 1813, but more than 10,000 in 1817. Baden-Baden registered an even stronger increase in the number of visitors. Spa resorts flourished in the 19th century because their development was spurred by systematic architectural expansion and their early connection to the railroad system.⁵²

Architectural and spatial characteristics of spas

In contemporary illustrations of 16th- and 17th-century spas, leisure facilities already featured prominently. Thus, an engraving of the Bavarian Bad Adelholzen in Matthaeus Merian's (1593–1650) Topographia Bavariae shows both an enclosed garden and a nine-pin bowling alley for the use of spa guests. The so-called Boller Landtafel, a view of the Boller Bad, which was included in the New Badbuch by Johannes Bauhin (1541–1613) published in 1602, depicts elaborate and wide-ranging spa amusements in an idealized fashion.⁵³ A large enclosed spa garden is located behind the lodging and bath house, and on the right side of the image, we see activities like bowling (again!) and dancing as well as vendor stalls. In addition, the diversions depicted in the Boller Landtafel include a steeplechase and hunting, which was, of course, an exclusively aristocratic pursuit.⁵⁴

Since the middle of the 17th century and even more so in the late 18th century, spas had to fulfill certain expectations with regard to their spatial make-up in order to be successful. This development coincided with the gradual increase  in the number of spa visitors, a process that was closely connected with the rise of the bourgeoisie – first in England and then in central Europe.⁵⁵ As an anonymous author wrote in the St. James' Chronicle in 1790: "Every watering place is a kind of urbs in rure."⁵⁶ This statement reveals that a successful spa resort had to offer the trappings of urban life, such as a theater, a coffeehouse, a library or a bookstore, and an adequate supply of luxury goods, while at the same time providing the amenities of a rural sojourn in the form of promenades, English gardens, and outings into the surrounding countryside. There also had to be appropriate accommodations for spa guests, with the lodging houses of the early modern period gradually transforming into modern hotels, as well as various buildings typical of a spa: assembly halls that served a range of functions as dance halls and dining halls, as venues for theatrical performances and reading rooms, and as casinos and gambling halls; well pavilions and bathhouses; and places for games and exercise. In the 19th century, spas began to feature bandstands and increasingly elaborate drinking halls and sports facilities, including horse racing tracks.⁵⁷ In the leading English spa of Bath, the construction of elegant houses and apartments for spa guests began as early as the mid-1720s – the most famous example certainly being the (Royal) Crescent, which was completed in the 1770s.⁵⁸ The great continental spas of the 19th century – Baden-Baden, Karlovy Vary, Spa, Vichy, and Wiesbaden, among others – offered their aristocratic and upper middle-class guests the opportunity to build their own homes in newly constructed villa districts.⁵⁹

The spatial perception of the European spas, especially of the continental spas of the early modern period and the 19th century, was also decisively shaped by the surrounding landscape. From the late 18th century onward, the success of spa resorts depended in no small measure on their ability to accommodate the fundamental shift in the landscape ideal that occurred at this time. Throughout the early modern period and even into the 1750s and 1760s, the ideal spa had to have as many urban features as possible, while the surrounding landscape needed to be cultivated with gently rolling hills and fields. Spas whose natural surroundings did not conform to this landscape ideal, like Karlovy Vary, emphasized instead the urban character of their interior spaces. Accordingly, from the 16th to the beginning of the 18th century, an avenue or a garden conforming to the strict geometric organization of the French garden ideal satisfied the spatial expectations for walks.⁶⁰

The new garden ideal of the English landscape garden and the growing alpine enthusiasm of the late 18th century had a profound impact on the spatial perception of the spa. While spa visitors still expected to be provided with urban services and amusements, the spatial ideal of the spa became more rural. The first step in this process was the integration of English landscape gardens into the spa setting. Increasingly, new expectations regarding the spa's surroundings, which were now supposed to be mountainous and wildromantisch (wild and romanic) took hold. Thus, beginning in the late 18th century and even more so in the 19th century, the spa was no longer defined only by its interior space, but also by its surrounding landscape. This shift had two additional consequences: On the one hand, it led to a change in practices, so that "hiking" in mountainous terrain was now on a par with "walking" in the spa interior. On the other hand, it fundamentally expanded the central European spa map. At the beginning of the 19th century, many less popular spas of the early modern period succeeded in attracting ever more guests because of their mountainous settings. These spas were situated in the German Mittelgebirge, the Black Forest, the Harz Mountains, Saxon Switzerland, Austria, and Switzerland. Consequently, the perception and description of spa resorts was the first step toward a modern tourism and vacation discourse.⁶¹

Seaside resorts as a new type of spa

Seaside resorts emerged in England in the 18th century as a new type of spa that embodies the trend toward a modern discourse on tourism and vacation. By the middle of the 18th century, a new, more positive perception of the sea began to take hold in England. While physicians propagated the healing effects of the cold sea water, ocean views and the beach were now perceived as "picturesque." People enjoyed looking at the sea from atop a hill, as it offered a panoramic vantage point.⁶² In the newly established seaside resorts – most notably Brighton, followed by Scarborough – "sea bathing" and walks on the beach were cultivated as new practices.⁶³ Nevertheless, seaside resorts continued to model their leisure facilities and cultural and social life on inland spas such as Bath. Gradually, however, the new practices and the shift in the spatial structure of the emerging seaside resorts – where houses were now built to face the sea and piers extended into the sea – spread  to other European countries.⁶⁴ Seaside resorts sprang up on the German Baltic and North Sea coasts (beginning with Doberan-Heiligendamm in 1794, followed by the first North Sea resort, Norderney),⁶⁵ in France (Dieppe, Boulogne, later Biarritz), Belgium (Oostende) and the Netherlands (Scheveningen). The number of seaside resorts exploded over the course of the 19th century and seaside resorts became common across Europe. In Prussia, for example, the number of seaside resorts increased from 58 to 98 between 1870 and 1900, and by the turn of the twentieth century, 39 percent of spa guests stayed at seaside resorts rather than inland spas.⁶⁶

Summary

The spa resorts of the early modern period and the 19th century represented a specific urban lifestyle, which combined a range of different social, cultural, and health functions. The number of places with water springs that people ascribed healing properties to is disproportionately larger than the actual number of spas. Spa resorts were simultaneously places of health preservation or healing, venues for social encounters and consumption, sites of amusement, and, later on, central hubs of the emerging practice of tourism. The architecture and spatial structure of the spa as well as the spa's surrounding landscape were subject to certain normative expectations that were closely connected to the rise of a "tourist gaze." While spas existed throughout Europe, beginning in the later 16th century, England and central Europe were at the forefront of the development of spa resorts. Starting in the late 18th century and again in the 19th century, the continental European spa map expanded rapidly. In the wake of alpine enthusiasm, spas with mountainous surroundings became popular. Many salt producing towns of the early modern period were also transformed into spas. Moreover, seaside resorts emerged on the Baltic and North Sea coasts. A number of spas, including Ems, Wiesbaden, and Baden-Baden, became international spas (Weltbäder) with an exploding number of guests.

Ute Lotz-Heumann

Appendix

Sources

[Anonymous]: Liste der angekommenen Kur- und Badegäste in der königl[ichen] Stadt Kaiser-Karlsbad im Jahre 1795, Karlsbad 1795. URL: http://resolver.sub.uni-goettingen.de/purl?PPN898534437 [2023-01-13]

Bauhin, Johann: Ein New Badbuch/ Vnd Historische Beschreibung/ Von der wunderbaren Krafft vnd würckung/ des WunderBrunnen vnd Heilsamen Bads zu Boll ..., Stuttgart 1602, vol. 1–4: URL: http://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb11174705-6 [2023-01-13]

Henning, C. / Jaeger, Erwing: Illustrierter Führer durch Bäder, Heilanstalten und Sommerfrischen, 6th ed., Leipzig 1907.

Lichtenberg, Georg Christoph: Warum hat Deutschland noch kein großes öffentliches Seebad?, in: Göttinger Taschen Calender 1793, pp. 92–109. URL: http://ds.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/viewer/image/2235093_018/192/LOG_0017/ [2023-01-13]

Maskosky, Martin: Im Namen Jesu! Das Göppingische Bethesda! Das ist Kunstmässige Beschreibung des uralten heilsamen Sauerbrunnen Bey der Hochfürstlichen Würtenbergischen Statt Göppingen! ..., Nördlingen 1688. URL: http://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb11269166-5 [2023-01-13]

Mosch, Carl Friedrich: Die Bäder und Heilbrunnen Deutschlands und der Schweiz. Ein Taschenbuch für Brunnen- und Bade-Reisende, Leipzig 1819, vol. 1–2. URL: http://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb10287755-2 /http://data.onb.ac.at/rep/10B44BD9 [2023-01-13]

Planer, Georg Andreas / Planer, Johann Andreas: Ausführlicher Bericht von dem Deinacher-Sauer-Brunnen Im Hertzogthum Würtemberg ..., Stuttgart 1740. 

Literature

Bitz, Matthias: Die Bäder und Sauerbrunnen im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, in: Barock in Baden-Württemberg, Ausstellungskatalog, Bruchsal 1981, pp. 183–191, vol. 2.

Bitz, Matthias: Badewesen in Südwestdeutschland 1550 bis 1840: Zum Wandel von Gesellschaft und Architektur, Idstein 1989.

Blackbourn, David: "Taking the Waters": Meeting Places of the Fashionable World, in: Martin H. Geyer et al. (eds.): The Mechanics of Internationalism: Culture, Society, and Politics from the 1840s to the First World War, Oxford 2001, pp. 435–457.

Bleymehl-Eiler, Martina: "Das Paradies der Kurgäste": Die Bäder Wiesbaden, Langenschwalbach und Schlangenbad im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, in: Michael Matheus (ed.): Badeorte und Bäderreisen in Antike, Mittelalter und Neuzeit, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 53–80.

Bonsanti, Giorgio: Heilbäder zu heilen: Der Fall Montecatini Terme in der Toskana, in: Volkmar Eidloth (ed.): Europäische Kurstädte und Modebäder des 19. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart 2012, pp. 131–141. URL: https://doi.org/10.11588/ih.2012.0.20348 [2023-01-13]

Borsay, Peter: Health and Leisure Resorts, in: Peter Clark (ed.): The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, Cambridge 2000, pp. 775–803. URL: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521431415.029 [2023-01-13]

Bothe, Rolf (ed.): Kurstädte in Deutschland: Zur Geschichte einer Baugattung, Berlin 1984.

Bresgott, Hans-Christian: Ostseeküste – Ostseebad: Von der Entdeckung des Nordens zur Entstehung der deutschen Ostseebäder im 19. Jahrhundert, Konstanz 2017.

Brockliss, L.W.B.: The Development of the Spa in Seventeenth-Century France, in: Roy Porter (ed.): The Medical History of Waters and Spas, London 1990, pp. 23–47.

Busch, Helmut: Reisen zum Gesundwerden: Badereisen, in: Xenja von Ertzdorff (ed.): Reisen und Reiseliteratur im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit, Amsterdam 1992, pp. 475–494.

Cresti, Carlo: Montecatini 1771–1940: Nascita e sviluppo di una città termale, Mailand 1984.

Corbin, Alain: Meereslust: Das Abendland und die Entdeckung der Küste, 2nd ed., Frankfurt am Main 1999.

Corfield, Penelope J.: Georgian Bath: Matrix and Meeting Place, in: Gotthardt Frühsorge et al. (eds.): Stadt und Bürger im 18. Jahrhundert, Marburg 1993, pp. 158–168.

Cossic, Annick et al. (eds.): Spas in Britain and in France in the 18th and Nineteenth Centuries, Cambridge 2006.

Eidloth, Volkmar: Kleine historische Geographie europäischer Kurstädte und Badeorte im 19. Jahrhundert, in: Volkmar Eidloth (ed.): Europäische Kurstädte und Modebäder des 19. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart 2012, pp. 15–39. URL: https://doi.org/10.11588/ih.2012.0.20340 [2023-01-13]

Engel, Hermann: Der Pyrmonter Fürstensommer von 1681: Eine Studie zu Politik und Diplomatie am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts, in: Geschichtsblätter für Waldeck 71 (1983), pp. 115–178.

Förderer, Andreas: Playgrounds of Europe: Europäische Kurstädte und Modebäder des 19. Jahrhunderts, Baden-Baden 2010.

Fuchs, Thomas: "Dieses Wasser aber ist ein natürlich/warmes und artzneyisch Bad": Bürgerlichkeit und Baden am Beispiel Wiesbadens im späten 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert, in: Raingard Eßer et al. (eds.): Bäder und Kuren in der Aufklärung: Medizinaldiskurs und Freizeitvergnügen, Berlin 2003, pp. 99–111.

Fuhs, Burkhard: Mondäne Orte einer vornehmen Gesellschaft: Kultur und Geschichte der Kurstädte 1700–1900, Hildesheim et al. 1992.

Fürbeth, Frank: Zur Bedeutung des Bäderwesens im Mittelalter und der frühen Neuzeit, in: Heinz Dopsch et al. (eds.): Paracelsus und Salzburg, Salzburg 1994, pp. 463–487.

Fürbeth, Frank: Bibliographie der deutschen oder im deutschen Raum erschienenen Bäderschriften des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, in: Würzburger medizinhistorische Mitteilungen 13 (1995), pp. 217–252.

Fürbeth, Frank: Heilquellen in der deutschen Wissensliteratur des Spätmittelalters, Wiesbaden 2004.

Gadebusch-Bondio, Mariacarla: Dietetics, in: Graeme Dunphy et al. (eds.): Encyclopedia of Early Modern History Online. URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2352-0272_emho_COM_018306 [2023-01-13]

Geisthövel, Alexa: Promenadenmischungen: Raum und Kommunikation in Hydropolen, 1830–1880, in: Alexander C.T. Geppert et al. (eds.): Ortsgespräche: Raum und Kommunikation im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Bielefeld 2015, pp. 203–230. URL: https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839403129-009 [2023-01-13]

Golob, Andreas: Die Wasser(heil)kunde auf akademischem Boden in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, insbesondere an der Universität Graz, in: Virus: Beiträge zur Sozialgeschichte der Medizin 12 (2013), pp. 59–72. URL: https://doi.org/10.1553/virus12s059 [2023-01-13]

Hahn, Gernot von / Schönfels, Hans-Kaspar von: Von der Heilkraft des Wassers: Eine Kulturgeschichte der Brunnen und Bäder, Augsburg 1986.

Hascher, Michael: Modebäder und Eisenbahn: Zur Frage des Beitrages der Technikgeschichte zum möglichen Welterbestatus europäischer Kurstädte, in: Volkmar Eidloth (ed.): Europäische Kurstädte und Modebäder des 19. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart 2012, pp. 159–172. URL: https://doi.org/10.11588/ih.2012.0.20350 [2023-01-13]

Hembry, Phyllis: The English Spa: 1560–1815: A Social History, London 1990. URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474210089 [2023-01-13]

Jarrasseé, Dominique: Stations thermales et villes d'eaux à la mode auch 19^e siècle en France, in: Volkmar Eidloth (ed.): Europäische Kurstädte und Modebäder des 19. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart 2012, pp. 119–129. URL: https://doi.org/10.11588/ih.2012.0.20347 [2023-01-13]

Kaspar, Fred: Brunnenkur und Sommerlust: Gesundbrunnen und Kleinbäder in Westfalen, Bielefeld 1993.

Kaufmann, Pius: Gesellschaft im Bad: Die Entwicklung der Badefahrten und der "Naturbäder" im Gebiet der Schweiz und im angrenzenden südwestdeutschen Raum (1300–1610), Zürich 2009.

Keller, Katrin: Bäderstadt, in: Friedrich Jaeger et al. (eds.): Enzyklopädie der Neuzeit Online, Stuttgart 2019. URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2352-0248_edn_SIM_243727 [2023-01-13]

Kolbe, Wiebke: Deutsche Ostseebäder um 1900: Bäderregionen von Nordschleswig bis zur Kurischen Nehrung, in: Olga Kurilo (ed.): Seebäder an der Ostsee im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, München 2009.

Krins, Vanessa: Spa: de la cure à la villégiature: Transformations d'une ville aux 18^e et 19^e siècles, in: Volkmar Eidloth (ed.): Europäische Kurstädte und Modebäder des 19. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart 2012, pp. 107–118. URL: https://doi.org/10.11588/ih.2012.0.20346 [2023-01-13]

Křížek, Vladimir: Kulturgeschichte des Heilbades, Stuttgart et al. 1990.

Kuhnert, Reinhold P.: Urbanität auf dem Lande: Badereisen nach Pyrmont im 18. Jahrhundert, Göttingen 1984.

Lempa, Heikki: The Spa: Emotional Economy and Social Classes in Nineteenth-Century Pyrmont, in: Central European History 35 (2002), pp. 37–73. URL: https://doi.org/10.1163/156916102320812391 / https://www.jstor.org/stable/4547146 [2023-01-13]

Lobenwein, Elisabeth / Weiß, Alfred Stefan: Vom Wildbad zum Heilbad: Die Thermalquellen in Gastein im Blickpunkt der Reiseliteratur bis ca. 1830, in: Virus: Beiträge zur Sozialgeschichte der Medizin 12 (2013), pp. 27–42. URL: https://doi.org/10.1553/virus12s027 [2023-01-13]

Lotz-Heumann, Ute: Kurorte im Reich des 18. Jahrhunderts - ein Typus urbanen Lebens und Laboratorium der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft: Eine Problemskizze, in: Raingard Eßer et al. (eds.): Bäder und Kuren in der Aufklärung: Medizinaldiskurs und Freizeitvergnügen, Berlin 2003, pp. 15–35.

Lotz-Heumann, Ute: Repräsentationen von Heilwassern und -quellen in der Frühen Neuzeit: Badeorte, lutherische Wunderquellen und katholische Wallfahrten, in: Matthias Pohlig et al. (eds.): Säkularisierungen in der Frühen Neuzeit: Methodische Probleme und empirische Fallstudien, Berlin 2008, pp. 277–330.

Lotz-Heumann, Ute: Healing Waters and Material Cultures in Early Modern Germany, in: Susan C. Karant-Nunn et al. (eds.): The Cultural History of the Reformations: Theories and Applications, Wolfenbüttel 2021, pp. 151–176.

Lotz-Heumann, Ute: The German Spa in the Long Eighteenth Century: A Cultural History, London, New York 2022.

Mackaman, Douglas Peter: Leisure Settings: Bourgeois Culture, Medicine, and the Spa in Modern France, Chicago 1998.

Martin, Alfred: Deutsches Badewesen in vergangenen Tagen, Jena 1906. URL: http://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb00067630-6 [2023-01-13]

Mehring, Gebhard: Badenfahrt: Württembergische Mineralbäder und Sauerbrunnen vom Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart 1914. URL: http://digital.wlb-stuttgart.de/purl/kxp168652384X/ [2023-01-13]

Naimark-Goldberg, Natalie: Health, Leisure and Sociability at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century: Jewish Women in German Spas, in: Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 55 (2010), pp. 63–91. URL: https://doi.org/10.1093/lbyb/ybq015 [2023-01-13]

Palmer, Richard: "In this our Lightye and Learned Tyme": Italian Baths in the Era of the Renaissance, in: Roy Porter (ed.): The Medical History of Waters and Spas, London 1990, pp. 14–22. URL: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300070964 [2023-01-13]

Paulmann, Johannes: Pomp und Politik: Monarchenbegegnungen in Europa zwischen Ancien Régime und Erstem Weltkrieg, Paderborn 2000.

Park, Katharine: Natural Particulars: Medical Epistemology, Practice, and the Literature of Healing Springs, in: Anthony Grafton et al (eds.): Natural Particulars: Nature and the Disciplines in Renaissance Europe, Cambridge et al. 1999, pp. 347–368. URL: https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.01588 [2023-01-13]

Probst, Irmgard: Die Balneologie des 16. Jahrhunderts im Spiegel der deutschen Badeschriften, München 1971.

Rosenbaum, Adam T.: Grounded Modernity in the Bavarian Alps: The Reichenhall Spa Culture at the Turn of the Twentieth Century, in: Central European History 47,1 (2014), 30–53. URL: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938914000612 / http://www.jstor.org/stable/43280407 [2023-01-13]

Rumpel, Sabine: Der Einfluß der Obrigkeit, in: Gemeinde Boll (ed.): Bad Boll 1595–1995: Vom herzoglichen Wunderbad zum Kurort, Weißenhorn 1995, pp. 78–86.

Rumpel, Sabine: Zwischen Kurvergnügen und Verkauf, in: Gemeinde Boll (ed.): Bad Boll 1595–1995: Vom herzoglichen Wunderbad zum Kurort, Weißenhorn 1995, pp. 119–136.

Sarholz, Hans-Jürgen: Bad Ems vom Ancien régime bis zur Industrialisierung 1750 bis 1914, Frankfurt am Main 1993.

Sommer, Hermann: Zur Kur nach Ems: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Badereise von 1830 bis 1914, Stuttgart 1999.

Steudel, J.: Geschichte der Bäder- und Klimaheilkunde, in: Walter Amelung et al. (eds.): Handbuch der Bäder- und Klimaheilkunde, Stuttgart 1962, pp. 1–18.

Steward, Jill: The Culture of the Water Cure in Nineteenth-century Austria, 1800–1914, in: Susan C. Anderson et al. (eds.): Water, Leisure and Culture: European Historical Perspectives, Oxford, NY 2002, pp. 23–35. URL: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/id/eprint/582/ / URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350049031.ch-003 [2023-01-13]

Steward, Jill: The Role of Inland Spas as Sites of Transnational Cultural Exchange in the Production of European Leisure Culture (1750–1870), in: Peter Borsay et al. (eds.): Leisure Cultures in Urban Europe, c. 1700–1870, Manchester 2016, pp. 234–259. URL: https://doi.org/10.7765/9781784997045.00020 [2023-01-13]

Stolberg, Michael: Homo patiens: Krankheits- und Körpererfahrung in der Frühen Neuzeit, Cologne 2003.

Struck, Wolf-Heino: Wiesbaden in der Goethezeit, Wiesbaden 1979.

Studt, Birgit: Die Badenfahrt: Ein neues Muster der Badepraxis und Badegeselligkeit im deutschen Spätmittelalter, in: Michael Matheus (ed.): Badeorte und Bäderreisen in Antike, Mittelalter und Neuzeit, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 33–52.

Triendl-Zadoff, Mirjam: Nächstes Jahr in Marienbad: Gegenwelten jüdischer Kulturen der Moderne, Göttingen 2007. URL: http://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb00083740-6 [2023-01-13]

Vanja, Christina: Arme Hessen in Kurbädern des 18. Jahrhunderts, in: Virus: Beiträge zur Sozialgeschichte der Medizin 12 (2013), pp. 11–25. URL: https://doi.org/10.1553/virus12s011 [2023-01-13]

Vogel, Gerd-Helge: Die Entstehung des ersten deutschen Seebades Doberan-Heiligendamm unter dem Baumeister Carl-Theodor Severin (1763–1836), Niederjahna 2018.

Walsham, Alexandra: Reforming the Waters: Holy Wells and Healing Springs in Protestant England, in: Diana Wood (ed.): Life and Thought in the Northern Church, c. 1100–c. 1700: Essays in Honour of Claire Cross, Woodbridge 1999, pp. 227–255.

Wood, Karl E.: Health and Hazard: Spa Culture and the Social History of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century, Newcastle 2012.

Zappert, Georg: Über das Badewesen in mittelalterlicher und späterer Zeit, in: Archiv für Kunde österreichischer Geschichtsquellen 21 (1859), pp. 3–167. URL: http://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb10446143-0 [2023-01-13]

Ziegler, Anke: Deutsche Kurstädte im Wandel: Von den Anfängen bis zum Idealtypus im 19. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt am Main et al. 2004.

Notes

1. ^{^} See Steudel, Geschichte 1962, pp. 2, 4; Studt, Die Badenfahrt 2001, pp. 35–36; Kuhnert, Urbanität 1984, pp. 32–33.
2. ^{^} Studt, Die Badenfahrt 2001, p. 33; see Busch, Reisen zum Gesundwerden 1992, pp. 484–486; Fürbeth, Zur Bedeutung des Bäderwesens 1994, p. 463.
3. ^{^} See Steudel, Geschichte 1962, p. 4; Studt, Die Badenfahrt 2001, pp. 36–37.
4. ^{^} See Bitz, Die Bäder und Sauerbrunnen 1981, p. 183; Rumpel, Der Einfluß der Obrigkeit 1995, p. 78. Bitz therefore perceives the late medieval watering places as being analogous to the town: "Das Wildbad ... wurde von seinen Besuchern im Mittelalter als ein insulares Gebilde, ähnlich einer Stadt, wahrgenommen." (Bitz, Badewesen 1989, p. 46).
5. ^{^} See Studt, Die Badenfahrt 2001, p. 48; Bitz, Die Bäder und Sauerbrunnen 1981, p. 85; Křížek, Kulturgeschichte des Heilbads 1990, p. 79.
6. ^{^} Studt, Die Badenfahrt 2001, p. 45; see pp. 45–48.
7. ^{^} See Zappert, Über das Badewesen 1859, p. 141; Hahn / Schönfels, Von der Heilkraft 1986, p. 75.
8. ^{^} See Fürbeth, Zur Bedeutung des Bäderwesens 1994, p. 463; Bitz, Badewesen 1989, pp. 41–42.
9. ^{^} See Palmer, Italian Baths 1990; Park, Natural Particulars 1999; Fürbeth, Healing Springs 2004.
10. ^{^} Fürbeth, Bibliographie 1995, p. 219; see Martin, Deutsches Badewesen 1906, pp. 268, 272; Probst, Balneologie 1971.
11. ^{^} See Probst, Balneologie 1971, pp. 14, 17; Fürbeth, Bibliographie 1995, pp. 221–223, 234–235, 240–241; see on the medical-balneological discourse of the 16th and 17th century in general Lotz-Heumann, Repräsentationen von Heilwassern 2008.
12. ^{^} See Hembry, The English Spa 1990, pp. 6–8.
13. ^{^} See Golob, Die Wasser(heil)kunde 2013; see generally for the 19th century: Wood, Health and Hazard 2012.
14. ^{^} A brief overview is provided by: Gadebusch-Bondio, Dietetics 2015.
15. ^{^} See e.g. Maskosky, Das Göppingische Bethesda 1688, ch. XIV; Planer / Planer, Ausführlicher Bericht von dem Deinacher Sauer-Brunnen 1740, pp. 47–61.
16. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 71, 77.
17. ^{^} See Studt, Die Badenfahrt 2001, pp. 35–40; Bitz, Badewesen 1989, p. 39; Mehring, Badenfahrt 1914, pp. 28, 136–137.
18. ^{^} See Stolberg, Homo patiens 2003, pp. 144–150. The larger context of the history of medicine cannot be discussed in detail here. The contemporary notion of the permeability of the skin was crucial for bathing practices and was based on ancient humoral pathology. Contemporaries believed that the bathing rash indicated that the bad humors were leaving the body. The poor often tried to stay in the water as long as possible to keep down the costs of the bathing cure. For example, people also ate and slept while bathing, which could lead to drowning. See Busch, Reisen zum Gesundwerden 1992, pp. 481–483; Křížek, Kulturgeschichte des Heilbad 1990, pp. 79–80.
19. ^{^} See Bitz, Badewesen 1989, pp. 64, 66; Martin, Deutsches Badewesen 1906, p. 359.
20. ^{^} See Bitz, Die Bäder und Sauerbrunnen 1981, pp. 185, 187; Martin, Deutsches Badewesen 1906, pp. 332–337.
21. ^{^} See Henning / Jaeger, Illustrierter Führer 1907.
22. ^{^} See Bitz, Badewesen 1989, p. 43; Fuhs, Mondäne Orte 1992, p. 23.
23. ^{^} See Kuhnert, Urbanität 1984, p. 36; Eidloth, Kleine historische Geographie europäischer Kurstädte 2012, p. 17.
24. ^{^} See Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, p. 776; Hembry, The English Spa 1990, pp. 3, 370–375.
25. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, Repräsentationen von Heilwassern 2008; Lotz-Heumann, Healing Waters and Material Cultures 2021.
26. ^{^} See Walsham, Reforming the Waters 1999; Hembry, The English Spa 1990, pp. 1–6.
27. ^{^} See Kaspar, Brunnenkur 1993.
28. ^{^} See the section "Architectural and spatial characteristics of spas" below.
29. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 30–39.
30. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 39–49, 262–263; Kuhnert, Urbanität 1984, p. 33; Vanja, Arme Hessen in Kurbädern 2013; Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, p. 781.
31. ^{^} See Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, p. 796; Kuhnert, Urbanity 1984, pp. 113–114.
32. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 39–40.
33. ^{^} See Keller, Bäderstadt 2019.
34. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 204–211, 227–249, 254–261; Blackbourn, "Taking the Waters" 2001; Geisthövel, Promenadenmischungen 2015; Lempa, The Spa 2002; Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, pp. 780–781; Triendl-Zadoff, Nächstes Jahr in Marienbad 2007; Naimark-Goldberg, Leisure and Sociability 2010.
35. ^{^} See Corfield, Georgian Bath 1993.
36. ^{^} See Liste der angekommenen Kur- und Badegäste 1795.
37. ^{^} See Kuhnert, Urbanität 1984, pp. 16, 19.
38. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 59–69 and passim.
39. ^{^} See Engel, Pyrmonter Fürstensommer 1983.
40. ^{^} See Patrons, Playgrounds of Europe 2010, pp. 39–40; Paulmann, Pomp und Politik 2000.
41. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 167–168.
42. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 168–174. Borsay calls this a "sophisticated social routine." See Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, p. 786.
43. ^{^} See in detail Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 3, 51.
44. ^{^} See Kaufmann, Gesellschaft im Bad 2009.
45. ^{^} See Förderer, Playgrounds of Europe 2010, p. 80; Cresti, Montecatini 1984; Bonsanti, Heilbäder zu heilen 2012.
46. ^{^} See Lobenwein, Weiß, Vom Wildbad 2013; Steward, The Culture of the Water Cure 2002; Mosch, Die Bäder 1819.
47. ^{^} See Brockliss, The Development of the Spa 1990; Förderer, Playgrounds of Europe 2010, pp. 75–76; Mackaman, Leisure Settings 1998; Jarrasseé, Stations thermales 2012; see also for an English-French comparison: Cossic / Galliou, Spas 2006.
48. ^{^} See Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, pp. 776, 779; Hembry, The English Spa 1990.
49. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 29, 43–46; Krins, Spa 2012.
50. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, p. 30; Hembry, The English Spa 1990, pp. 69, 163.
51. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 5, 285; Sarholz, Bad Ems 1993; Sommer, Zur Kur 1999; Bleymehl-Eiler, "Das Paradies der Kurgäste" 2001; Fuhs, Mondäne Orte 1992; Rosenbaum, Grounded Modernity 2014.
52. ^{^} See Bitz, Badewesen 1989, p. 312; Fuchs, "Dieses Wasser" 2003, p. 101; Struck, Wiesbaden 1979, p. 61; Kuhnert, Urbanität 1984, p. 34; Eidloth, Kleine historische Geographie 2012, p. 27; Hascher, Modebäder und Eisenbahn 2012.
53. ^{^} See Bauhin, Ein New Badbuch 1602.
54. ^{^} See Rumpel, Zwischen Kurvergnügen und Verkauf 1995; Mehring, Badenfahrt 1914, pp. 140–141.
55. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, S. 4–5; Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, pp. 780–781.
56. ^{^} Cited in: Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, p. 785.
57. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 115–128; Steward, The Role of Inland Spas 2016; Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, p. 786; Förderer, Playgrounds of Europe 2010, pp. 43–50; Eidloth, Kleine historische Geographie 2012, pp. 29–35; see from the perspective of architectural history: Bothe, Kurstädte 1984; Ziegler, Deutsche Kurstädte 2004.
58. ^{^} See Borsay, Health and Leisure Resorts 2000, p. 777.
59. ^{^} See Eidloth, Kleine historische Geographie 2010, p. 27.
60. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 112–115.
61. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 143–156.
62. ^{^} See Corbin, Meereslust 1999, p. 181.
63. ^{^} See Corbin, Meereslust 1999, pp. 324–325.
64. ^{^} See Corbin, Meereslust 1999, pp. 81–99.
65. ^{^} See Lotz-Heumann, The German Spa 2022, pp. 156–167; Lichtenberg, Warum hat Deutschland 1793; Bresgott, Ostseeküste 2017; Vogel, Die Entstehung 2018.
66. ^{^} See Kolbe, Deutsche Ostseebäder 2009, pp. 16–17.